Non-spatial setting in Awara

2014 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan R. Quigley

AbstractThis article describes the ways tense, aspect, mood, and modality are marked in the Finisterre-Huon Papuan language Awara. Awara uses verbal suffixes for all of these, as well as employing multi-verb constructions for four aspectual distinctions. Two past tenses, the present tense, and one future tense are marked. Distinguishing between the present tense suffix and the homophonous imperfective aspect suffix is a thorny issue in Awara morphology. The suffixes marking mood and modality belong to two classes of irrealis suffixes, which are similar in form to irrealis suffixes of other Finisterre-Huon languages. Awara is noteworthy for a grammatical distinction between static and dynamic verb classes, realized in different forms of imperfective aspectual suffixes.

Slovene ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-169
Author(s):  
Fedor N. Dviniatin

The paper offers data on the quantity and structure of finite verbal forms in Simeon Polotsky’s collection Guslʹ Dobroglasnaia. The results are compared to data from twenty epinician odes by Mikhail Lomonosov and ten odes by Gavriil Derzhavin. We find 851 personal forms in Simeon’s collection, of which 214 belong to past tenses (73 to imperfect, 92 to aorist, 49 to past tense with l morpheme); 363 belong to present tense; 99 to future tense; 51 to imperative mood; 6 to conjunctive mood; and 118 to the forms with the da particle. The total percentage of past tenses in Simeon’s texts (25.1%) is close to the parameters appearing in Lomonosov’s and Derzhavin’s texts (21.4% and 23.5%, respectively), and the same is true for the percentages of non-indicative moods (20.5% vs. 19.1% and 20.5%). Simeon Polotsky’s texts contain fewer present tense forms than those written by the 18th-century poets (42.8% vs. 50.6% and 49.5%), but they contain more future tense forms (11.6% vs. 8.9% and 6.5%). Past tense forms in Simeon’s texts with l suffix include 29 forms of the third person with the auxiliary iestʹ verb, usually given in a rhyme position. In the aorist, the proportion of imperfective and perfective forms to the forms of the byti verb is 9:72:11; in imperfect, this proportion is 52:6:15; and in past tenses with l suffix, it is 8:38:3. We find 99 forms of the future tense, broken down as follows: 69 are forms of simple future; 12 are accompanied by imatʹ and similar forms; and 18 are accompanied by budet and similar forms (there is no semantic difference between these two last cases). Of the forms containing the da particle, 65 belong to present tense, 37 belong to future tense, and 16 are accompanied by byti forms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Tajudin Nur

This research was a qualitative research using structural linguistic method. The findings showed that the conjugation of the perfect verbs (ma>dhi) into imperfect verbs (mudha>ri’) can reveal the concept of semantic time and aspect. It was found that the conjugation of verb from perfect (ma>dhi) to imperfect (mudha>ri’) expresses semantical concept of tense and aspect. Perfect verb expresses past tense, present tense, future tense, and perfective aspect, while imperfect verb expresses present tense, future tense, and imperfective aspect. The other constituents which had a role in expressing tense and aspect were auxiliary verb of kana, the particles of qad, sawfa, lan, and sa- prefix. The auxiliary verb of kana had a role to express past tense in the case of equational sentence or if it precedes imperfect verb, while if it precedes  perfect verb, it expresses perfective aspect. The particle of qad expresses perfective aspect if it precedes perfect verb (ma>dhi), while the particle of sawfa, lan, and sa- prefix express future tense. In addition, to clarify the tense in Arabic adverb of time standing beside the verb also was used.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
pp. 248-258
Author(s):  
Jittra Muta ◽  
Nutprapha Dennis

The purposes of this study were to analyze and describe English tenses used in an online news website and to examine which types of English tenses are frequently used in an online news website. The material in this study was 20 news in Mini-Lessons from B r e a k I n g N e w s E n g l i s h .c o m. The research instrument was a checklist which determines and categorizes English tenses as past tense, present tense, and future tense. The data collections were analyzed with the frequency and percentage. The research findings of the study showed that all using of English tenses in the 20 news from the Mini-Lessons were 279 sentences; past tense were 155 sentences (56%), present tense were 120 sentences (43%), and future tense were 4 sentences (1%). The most English tenses aspect of the news were past simple tense and present tense; past simple tense, present simple tense, present perfect tense, and present progressive tense, respectively. In contrast, breaking news used the least English tenses aspect of the news was past perfect tense, future simple tense, past progressive tense, present perfect progressive tense, and future perfect tense, while there were no used past perfect progressive tense, future progressive tense, future perfect tense, and future perfect progressive tense in the 20 selected breaking news.


Author(s):  
Andriy Botsman ◽  
Olga Dmytruk ◽  
Tamara Kozlovska

The stages that encompass the future tense development are singled out as discrete phenomena within the process of the Germanic language development. The Gothic verb system can serve as the background for the investigation of the tense transformations in question. The difficulties of tense examination in the Old Germanic languages were connected with some conceptions about the Indo-Iranian and Greek languages that used to dominate in the scientific circles for a long time. Those conceptions were based on Latin and Greek patterns and postulated the use of present, past and future tenses in all Indo-European languages. The above conceptions were ruined when the study of Tokharian and Hittite demonstrated the use of the present tense for the description of future actions. The idea of losing “the protolanguage inheritance” was proved wrong, and it was incorrect to transfer the complex tense system of Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin to other Proto-Indo-European languages. The examination of the tense differentiation in Gothic (as the main source of the Old Germanic language) demonstrates that the Gothic infinitive functioned as a no-particular-time unit, while personal verb forms were involved in performing tense functions. The Gothic present tense verbs represented present and future tenses and no-particular-time phenomena. Some periphrastic forms containing preterite-present verbs with the infinitive occurred sporadically. The periphrastic forms correlated with Greek and Latin patterns of the same future tense meaning. The periphrastic future forms in Gothic often contained some modal shades of meaning. The Gothic present tense functioned as a colony-forming archi-unit and a pluripotential (temporal) precursor. The periphrastic Gothic future forms are recognised as a monopotential (temporal) precursor with some modal meaning. The key research method used in the present article is the comparative historical method. The authors viewed it as the most reliable and appropriate for the study of tense forms.


Kavkaz-forum ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Э.Б. САТЦАЕВ

Время – грамматическая категория глагола, служит временной состояния, либо события. В различных языках наличествует соответствующее количество временных форм. Индоевропейский глагол в историческом плане имел три временные системы – презенс, аорист и перфект. В Авесте засвидетельствованы формы всех индоевропейских времен, наклонений и залогов. В ней в изъявительном наклонении раз­личаются следующие времена: настоящее время, имперфект, перфект и плюсквамперфект. В презенсе авестийского глагола выделяются два типа основ. Эти основы делятся на классы, количество которых доходит до двадцати двух. Глагольная система, которая наличествует в среднеиранских языках, значительно изменилась по сравнению с древнеиранскими языками. Однако древнеиранская временная система практически во всех иранских языках данного периода сохранилась. В новоперсидском языке насчитывается восемь времен. Идентичное количество временных форм можно наблюдать также в афганском языке, представленном в восточноиранской языковой подгруппе. Среди иранских языков осетинский характеризуется скудостью временных форм. В осетинском языке можно выделить три глагольные основы, от которых образуются формы соответствующих времен. В осетинских глаголах обнаруживаются следы древнеарийских классов настоящего времени. В современных иранских языках основное противоположение лежит между прошлым и не прошлыми временами. В изъявительном наклонении осетинский язык знает три времени: настоящее, прошедшее и будущее. Наиболее интересным явлением в осетинском языке является образование будущего времени, аналогичная с осетинским языком модель образования будущего времени наблюдаются в согдийском и хорезмийском языках, ко­торые считаются наиболее близкими к осетинскому языку. Tense is a grammatical category of a verb that serves as a temporary localization of an event or state. Different languages have a different number of temporary forms. Historically, the Indo-European verb had three temporal systems – present, aorist and perfect. In the Avesta, forms of all Indo-European times, moods and pledges are attested. The following tenses are distinguished in it in the indicative mood: present, imperfect, perfect and pluperfect. There are two types of stems in the presence of the Avestan verb. These basics are divided into classes, the number of which reaches twenty-two. The verb system in the Middle Iranian languages has changed significantly compared to the ancient Iranian, however, the ancient Iranian temporal system in almost all Iranian languages of this period has been preserved. There are eight tenses in the New Persian language. Almost the same number of temporal forms is observed in Afghan, which is part of the Eastern Iranian subgroup. Among the Iranian languages, Ossetian is a scarcity of temporary forms. In the Ossetian language, three verbal stems can be distinguished, from which the forms of the corresponding tenses are formed. In Ossetian verbs, traces of the ancient Aryan classes of the present tense are found. In modern Iranian languages, the main opposition lies between the past and non-past times. In the indicative mood, the Ossetian language knows three tenses: present, past and future. The most interesting phenomenon in the Ossetian language is the formation of the future tense, a model of the formation of the future tense similar to the Ossetian language is observed in the Sogdian and Khorezm languages, which are considered the closest to the Ossetian language.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-288
Author(s):  
Sebastian Dom ◽  
Gilles-Maurice de Schryver ◽  
Koen Bostoen

Abstract The North-Angolan Bantu language Kisikongo has a present tense (Ø-R-ang-a; R = root) that is morphologically more marked than the future tense (Ø-R-a). We reconstruct how this typologically uncommon tense-marking feature came about by drawing on both historical and comparative evidence. Our diachronic corpus covers four centuries that can be subdivided in three periods, viz. (1) mid-17th, (2) late-19th/early-20th, and (3) late-20th/​early-21st centuries. The comparative data stem from several present-day languages of the “Kikongo Language Cluster.” We show that mid-17th century Kisikongo had three distinct constructions: Ø-R-a (with present progressive, habitual and generic meaning), Ø-R-ang-a (with present habitual meaning), and ku-R-a (with future meaning). By the end of the 19th century the last construction is no longer attested, and both present and future time reference are expressed by a segmentally identical construction, namely Ø-R-a. We argue that two seemingly independent but possibly interacting diachronic evolutions conspired towards such present-future isomorphism: (1) the semantic extension of an original present-tense construction from present to future leading to polysemy, and (2) the loss of the future prefix ku-, as part of a broader phenomenon of prefix reduction, inducing homonymy. To resolve the ambiguity, the Ø-R-ang-a construction evolved into the main present-tense construction.


Revue Romane ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Mark R. Hoff

Abstract According to normative descriptions of Italian future-framed adverbial clauses, the future tense is the only option (Quando verrai [F], ti presterò il libro ‘When you come, I’ll lend you the book’). However, the present tense may also be used (Quando vieni [P], ti presto il libro). I demonstrate that choice and acceptance of the present in future-framed adverbials are conditioned by the speaker’s presumption of settledness; that is, in every future world compatible with the speaker’s beliefs the eventuality necessarily occurs. The data come from an online questionnaire consisting of a forced-choice and an acceptability judgment task completed by 429 native speakers of Italian, and were analyzed using mixed-effects regression. Results show that the present is chosen most and rated highest when the future eventuality is presumed settled ([+certain, +immediate, +temporally specific]). These findings demonstrate that speakers use the present to express confidence in the realization of future eventualities.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cole Robertson ◽  
Sean Roberts

Recently, economists have used notions of linguistic relativity to suggest that grammatical constraints on Future Time Reference (FTR) affect whether people choose to take a small reward now or wait until later for a larger reward ("temporal discounting"). Economists hypothesize that habitual use of present tense constructions for FTR may cause speakers to perceive future rewards as temporally closer, and thereby as more valuable. This approach assumes that future tenses primarily encode when an event happens, which overlooks their widespread tendency to encode modal notions of probability. It additionally overlooks the importance of modal expressions in FTR. Since people discount value as a function of both temporal distance and the probability of a reward being received, it is important to understand what different FTR tenses actually encode, as well as cross-linguistic differences in the grammaticization of modality. We therefore modified the EUROTYP questionnaire to elicit future tense as well as modal FTR constructions across a range of temporal distances and probabilities for speakers of English, Dutch, and German. We find that in English tense and probability are more strictly grammaticized than in Dutch or German, and that increasing temporal distance from speaker "now" tended to cause English and German – but not Dutch – speakers to use more uncertain terms. These results highlight the importance of modality for typological linguists working on FTR, and suggest economists working on linguistic relativity and psychological discounting should consider cross-linguistic differences in the grammaticization of modality and in the modal semantics of future tenses.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
М. В. Ермолова ◽  

There are two pluperfect forms in Pskov dialects: “to be (past tense) + vši-form” and “to be (past tense) +l-form”. The first one has a resultative meaning and should be considered in the row of other perfective forms with the verb to be in the present tense, future tense and in the form of subjunctive mood. The second one has a meaning of discontinuous past. Apparently, it is a grammeme of the past tense and it is opposed to the “simple” past tense by the meaning of the irrelevance of the action to the present. There are similar systems with two pluperfect forms in other Slavic and non-Slavic languages.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 387-415
Author(s):  
Björn Wiemer

The article examines non-deictic uses of present and future tense in Lithuanian. Narrative use, in which reference intervals match with singular events, is distinguished from suspended propositions characterized by lack of such reference intervals (habitual, dispositional and circumstantial modal, and conditional meanings). Present tense is frequently involved in both usage domains, while the future is rare in narrative use, but overlaps with present tense in certain types of suspended propositions. Moreover, its temporal-deictic use is inherently associated with suspended propositions and “linked” to them via epistemic implicatures. This, in contrast to the present, makes the future more likely to be employed in predictions which entail an observer.The analysis is supplemented by a brief comparison with non-deictic tense use in the nonpast-domain of Slavic languages, yielding a grid of criteria that should be used in crosslinguistic studies on tense-aspect systems based on stem derivation and the feature [±bounded].


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