A Lei Antiterrorismo brasileira e a circulação internacional de regimes jurídicos punitivos

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-128
Author(s):  
A. FREIXO ◽  
V. ARMELE
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Sporting Events ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Explanatory Analysis ◽  
Capacity To Act ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Demonstrations ◽  
Legal Mechanism

The Brazilian Anti-Terrorism Bill (no. 13.260/2016) was drafted and approved in the context of the street demonstrations to have occurred from 2013 to 2015 and the state violence to have erupted in their wake, linked to the major sporting events held over the period. An examination of the process by which this legislation was implemented prompts a debate over its constitution as a legal mechanism able to justify extraordinary measures within a formal democratic regime. It is based on this premise that an exploratory and explanatory analysis is provided of the social, political, and historical phenomena raised by the question debated in the article. Such an approach thus seeks to demonstrate how legal uncertainty – transmitted through the use of vague expressions – allows the state power to endow the Brazilian State with the capacity to act freely and to selectively frame social and political demonstrations as acts of terrorism.

الشعب‎ يريد‎ اسقاط‎ النظام‎ “The People Want to Overthrow the Regime”

2019 ◽  
pp. 46-73
Author(s):  
Amy Austin Holmes
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Breaking Point ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Features ◽  
Security Organizations

This chapter analyzes the first wave of the revolution against Hosni Mubarak. Refuting arguments that focus on the role of the social media, or divisions among the elite, and the alleged neutrality of the Egyptian military, the chapter illustrates that it was a revolutionary coalition of the middle and lower classes that created a breaking point for the regime. Key features of this mass mobilization included the refusal of protesters to be cowed by state violence, the creation of “liberated zones” occupied by the people, “popular security” organizations that replaced the repressive security apparatus of the state, and strikes that crippled the economy in the final days of the Mubarak era. Key moments during the 18 days are described with ethnographic detail, including the unfiltered reactions of protesters to the deployment of soldiers on January 28. The revolutionary nature of the uprising is that people demanded more than just the ouster of Mubarak—they wanted to topple “the regime” by naming the names of a slew of Mubarak’s cronies to remove them from power.

Revisiting Bolivian “Progressivism”: The Anticommunalism of the Plurinational State

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 148-162
Author(s):  
Huáscar Salazar Lohman
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Social Forces ◽  
The Social

As the Bolivian government adopts increasingly conservative and authoritarian features, a policy meant to boost capitalist extractivism is becoming increasingly evident. This should be understood not as the end of a “progressive” government but as the consolidation of a new structure of state power sustained by an anticommunal stance that has involved a redefinition of the government’s alliance with the ruling classes and the systematic dismantling of the social forces that are now struggling to reappropriate political prerogatives in arenas of political organization unrelated to the state. A medida que el gobierno boliviano adopta características cada vez más conservadoras y autoritarias, se ha hecho cada vez más evidente una política destinada a impulsar el extractivismo capitalista. Esto no debe entenderse como el fin de un gobierno “progresista”, sino como la consolidación de una nueva estructura de poder estatal sostenida en una postura anticomunitaria que implica una redefinición de la alianza entre el gobierno y las clases dominantes, así como el desmantelamiento sistemático de las fuerzas sociales que ahora luchan por la reapropiación de prerrogativas políticas desde ámbitos no estatales de organización política.

Legitimation, State Repression, and the Sioux Massacre at Wounded Knee

2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Roscigno ◽  
Julia Cantzler ◽  
Salvatore Restifo ◽  
Joshua Guetzkow
Keyword(s):  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
State Repression ◽  
Dance Movement ◽  
Ghost Dance ◽  
Cultural Foundations ◽  
The Social ◽  
Wounded Knee ◽  
Institutional Actors

The Wounded Knee Massacre of 1890 and the Ghost Dance movement that preceded it offer a compelling sociological case for understanding legitimation, elite framing, and repression. Building on the social movements literature and theoretical insights on power, institutions, and inequality, we engage in multimethod, in-depth analyses of a rich body of archived correspondence from key institutional actors at the time. Doing so contributes to the literature by drawing attention to (1) the cultural foundations of inequality and repression; (2) super-ordinate framing by political elites and the state; and (3) key institutional conflicts and their consequences. We find that, within an ambiguous colonial context, officials of the Office of Indian Affairs and federal politicians shelved benign military observations and, instead, amplified ethnocentric and threat frames. Force was consequently portrayed as justifiable, which increased the likelihood of the massacre. We conclude by discussing the utility of our results for conceptions of culture, power, inequality, the state, and state violence.

The Specters of Citizenship

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy L. Brandzel
Keyword(s):  
Hate Crime ◽  
Hate Crimes ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Police Brutality ◽  
Structural Level ◽  
Hate Crime Legislation ◽  
The Social ◽  
Crime Legislation ◽  
Social Level

This chapter examines the violent maintenance of citizenship through the police state, and the uses of hate crime legislation to both name and disallow any recognition of this violence. The intervention into how we understand citizenship to be violently organized functions at two interconnected levels, that is, at the structural level of state violence, and at the social level of identity categories. At the level of the state, hate crime legislation offers us important information on how the violence of citizenship is managed, controlled, and directed. At the structural level of the state, the chapter adds to left critiques of hate crime legislation by unpacking how these laws are used to create a dangerous discontinuum, in which hate crimes are marked as individualized errors, while police brutality is systemically assuaged. By examining the machinations of hate crime legislation at these two levels, it is argued that hate crime legislation works, simultaneously, to recognize and deny: (1) the violence of citizenship; and (2) the fear that the oppressed will seek revenge and retaliate for this experience by using violence themselves.

Introduction

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Conor McCarthy
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Homo Sacer ◽  
The Social ◽  
Historical Phenomenon ◽  
The Law ◽  
Two Bodies

While exclusion from law is often assumed to be an historical phenomenon, the discussion here argues that it is an enduring and important tactic of state power. Such exclusion can occur in two directions – exclusion above the law (as where the state licenses itself or its agents to act with impunity) or exclusion below the law (as where the state excludes an individual or group from the law's protection). This book concerns itself with both, and in doing so, offers readings from two bodies of literature in English not normally read in tandem – the literature of outlawry, and the literature of espionage. This Introduction briefly surveys some influential previous work in this area – in particular Eric Hobsbawm’s notion of the ‘social bandit’ and Giorgio Agamben’s idea of the homo sacer and his related study of the ‘state of exception’ – and sets out the argument to follow.

Citizenship, Resistance and Animals: Karamoja Region Pastoralists' Resilience against State Violence in Uganda

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 312-328
Author(s):  
Itsuhiro Hazama
Keyword(s):  
South Sudan ◽  
State Power ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Nomadic Pastoralism ◽  
Space And Time ◽  
Violence Perpetration ◽  
Karamoja Region

Universal equality is achieved through citizenship. Despite this normative definition, the reality of citizenship differs across space and time. Against the backdrop of the decentring of state power in the wake of globalisation, when Western scrutiny focused on the peripheries of Uganda, Kenya and South Sudan, and when integrated disarmament and sedentarisation policies were promoted, pastoralists in the Karamoja region of Uganda, rather than appealing to normative notions of citizenship, initiated their own practice of citizenship in resistance to and articulation with the state order. Aware that direct confrontation with power immobilises a one-sided violence perpetration/victimisation relationship, pastoralists developed a repertoire of citizenship-related practices, including animals as co-citizens, to obtain recognition for continued nomadic pastoralism.

scholarly journals The Social Subjects of Librarianship Management: the Library Triad

2015 ◽  
pp. 27-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. V. Sokolov
Keyword(s):  
Social Environment ◽  
Normal Condition ◽  
Social Group ◽  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Marketing Implementation ◽  
Library Marketing

The article considers the issues of librarianship management. There are three social subjects, determining its development in Russia: the state power, the social group of «librarians» and the social environment. There is shown the variability of this triad, using as an example the stages of history of the Russian libraries of XX century. Interaction between subjects of librarianship management is executed in the forms of: education, promotion and marketing. Implementation of forms depends on the type of library. There is studied the concept of library marketing and introduced specific details in its definition. The author concludes that in contemporary Russia there is only one social subject interested in the normal condition of library triad: there is the social group of «librarians».

scholarly journals Philosophical concept of the state power (social power) and the military (the armed force)

Vojno delo ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Ilija Kajtez
Keyword(s):  
Social Power ◽  
State Power ◽  
Main Idea ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
Armed Force ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
The Social ◽  
The One ◽  
The Military

In the paper the author would like to explain why the concept of the social power is relevant for the state power, and why it is more appropriate for the military to talk about the armed force. Although he is acutely aware of the intertwining, reciprocity and closeness of the state power and the organization of the military, as well as the concepts of power and force, the author would like to emphasize their differences. It is not possible to talk about the power without the help and reliance on the armed force, and there is no armed force that does not view its meaning, task and goal in the state power. The military power can be independent only in short periods, but it immediately returns to the state power or the very military establishes the state power because it needs a source of legitimacy. What is the first and main rule is that we cannot talk anywhere about true power unless the one in power controls the armed force in his community, tribe, family, class, politics, state and society. It is simply impossible to imagine, let alone really happen, that the one who rules a community or society is not the supreme commander of the armed forces, as well. The main idea is to consider what are the inviolable spheres of the society in which politics should dominate, and where the best field of action of the armed forces is and how and in what way their relations, which are close, but often tense, are regulated.

Kiai in Madura

2012 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Yanwar Pribadi
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The State ◽  
Islam And Politics ◽  
The Social ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
The Government ◽  
Islamic Leadership

This article deals with the roles of kiai in Madura as both traditional and modern leaders. I will look at the principal ways in which kiai, who symbolize Islamic leadership, have characterized Islam and politics in Madura by arranging themselves in conflicts and accommodations within Madurese society. In doing so, I will portray two prominent Madurese kiai figures. I maintain that kiai in Madura are the main actors in state-society relations. They have become the social, cultural, economical, and political brokers in Madurese villages. Kiai with their pesantren and the Nahdlatul Ulama`s network have cautiously responded to state power by establishing multifaceted relations with the state; these are relationships that range from distancing themselves from the government to forming mutually beneficial relations with the state when the power of the state is too strong to oppose or when making alliance with the government is seen as a useful choice.

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