scholarly journals France: Republic against «Political Islam» (Part I)

2021 ◽  
pp. 54-61
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Shumilin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Islam ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Lower House ◽  
The Press ◽  
Subsequent Publication ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

On February 16, 2021, the French National Assembly (lower house of parliament) approved a draft law on countering separatism. On March 30, this document is to be discussed by members of the Senate. The degree of public discussions around him began to grow immediately after the speech of President E. Macron on October 2, 2020 and the subsequent publication in the press of the main provisions of the project. In fact, the document is aimed at preventing the radicalization of the Muslim community of France, at its more thorough adaptation to the socio-political conditions and basic values of the Republic. Most of the Muslim community and the clergy of France approved the proposals of the president and the government, while about a third of Muslim organizations opposed them. The last, as a rule, are linked to the international Islamist association «Muslim Brotherhood», which seeks to expand its cells and network in France, and in Europe as a whole. Organizations operating legally in the Turkish communities of the Old World articulate especially clearly the attitudes of the «brothers». In fact, at the religious level, they reproduce and continue the loud verbal confrontation between Macron and Turkish President R.T. Erdogan in October-November last year. The article examines the strategy of the French government to counter the attempts of radical Islamists to legalize the phenomenon of «political Islam». This problem, aggravated after the terrorist attacks in a number of European countries in October 2020, has become no less acute for France today than the fight against the pandemic.

scholarly journals France: Republic against «Political Islam» (Part II)

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-124
Author(s):  
Alexander Shumilin ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Political Islam ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
French Government ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Lower House ◽  
The Government ◽  
Increased Activity

From March 30 to April 12, 2021, members of the French Senate considered the government-prepared draft law on «countering separatism». His ideology is primarily aimed at curbing the increased activity of supporters of «political Islam» (Islamism) in France. Earlier, on February 16, 2021, the National Assembly (lower house of parliament) had approved the document. As shown in the first part of the article, the discussion of the draft deepened the split in the Muslim community of France between followers of moderate Islam, who supported the efforts of the government, and Islamists, who rejected the main provisions of the document. This article attempts to analyze a new stage of relations between the state and the Muslim community of the country – against the background of the decisions made by the senators. Accusing the French government of «Islamophobia»”, Islamic radicals appeal to the leadership of the European Union. Behind them, the figure of the Turkish President R.T. Erdogan, who is increasingly using religious rows in Europe for his own political purposes. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that the escalating confrontation in the Muslim environment and around it is acquiring more and more obvious political implications in France.

scholarly journals The Development of Waqf Management Throught Waqf Act in Indonesia (Note on Republic of Indonesia Act Number 41 of 2004 regarding Waqf)

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aden Rosadi ◽  
Deden Effendi ◽  
Busro Busro
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Data ◽  
Religious Life ◽  
Social Meaning ◽  
Religious Institutions ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Community Needs ◽  
Library Research ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Individual

Abstract: The Development of Waqf Management Throught Waqf Act in Indonesia (Note on Republic of Indonesia Act Number 41 of 2004 regarding Waqf). Waqf is an Islamic endowment of property to be held in trust and used for a charitable or religious purpose. The development of waqf law in Indonesia, as one of religious institutions, is the realization of Muslim community needs to fulfill their religious life. The object of waqf that formerly was focused on immovable objects, with the presence of the Act has been broader to movable property, especially money waqf. This paper describes the urgency of civilization and the dynamics of waqf both from the side of law and its management in the context of people prosperity. By using library research that use qualitative data, this paper found the existence of waqf, normatively lies not only in the individual obligations, but also in social meaning in the context of collective obligations involving mawqûf bih (the property), wâqif (the person creating a waqf), nazir (the supervisor/manager of waqf), mauqûf ‘alayh (waqf users), and the government through legislation. Basically, the Republic of Indonesia Act Number 41 of 2004 regarding Waqf is based on the philosophical, sociohistorical, and juridical foundation.

Welcome to the Umma: The British State and its Muslim Citizens Since 9/11

2009 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Toby Archer
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Policy Responses ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
British Muslims ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Security Questions ◽  
British State

British Muslims are citizens of the United Kingdom and also part of a worldwide community, the Umma, the Muslim community of the faithful. British Muslims have both national and transnational allegiances and on the part of the British state this has necessitated new ways of governing its Muslim citizens. Concerns over both terrorist violence and societal security questions regarding Muslims in the UK are both internal and external to the state. The government has had difficulties in finding transnational policy responses that go beyond the old division of internal and external security. After the terrorist attacks of 9/11, security was the main reason why the British state sought to engage Muslims, but this has been transformed into the wider agenda of ‘community cohesion’. In tracing the Muslim groups that the government has engaged with since 2001, I show how the issue of governing Muslims has gone beyond concerns just about terrorism and violence to a wider agenda that accepts British Muslims as citizens, yet at the same time still reflects the fears of Muslim ‘otherness’. I consider how this otherness is seen as a threat to societal security, and how the government’s attempt to create policies to deal with such threats is best understood as the ‘politics of unease’.

The Brand New Version of Article 301 of Turkish Penal Code and the Future of Freedom of Expression Cases in Turkey

2008 ◽  
Vol 9 (12) ◽  
pp. 2237-2252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bülent Algan
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
Penal Code ◽  
List Type ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Penal Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
Republic Of Turkey

Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC), much debated at both national and international levels, has recently been subject to an amendment aimed at clarifying its meaning and averting more distressing cases related to freedom of expression. It should be noted that the former article 301 was an amended version of article 159 of the former TPC of 1926. As Türkan Sancar rightly states in her comprehensive book on both articles 159 and 301, article 159 is an article which has been revised many times. It was amended seven times after coming into effect in 1926 (in 1936, 1938, 1946, 1961, twice in 2002, and 2003). The new TPC was introduced as a package of penal-law reform prior to the opening of negotiations for Turkish membership of the European Union, and came into effect on 1 June 2005. Article 301 stated the following:1.A person who publicly denigrates Turkishness, the Republic or the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, shall be sentenced a penalty of imprisonment for a term of six months to three years.2.A person who publicly denigrates the Government of the Republic of Turkey, the judicial bodies of the State, the military or security organizations, shall be sentenced to a penalty of imprisonment for a term of six months to two years.3.Where denigrating of Turkishness is committed by a Turkish citizen in another country, the penalty to be imposed shall be increased by one third.4.Expressions of thought intended to criticize shall not constitute a crime.

Life And Work of a Journalist

2020 ◽  
pp. 117-126
Author(s):  
Phạm Trần
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Government Control ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
The Press ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

This chapter recounts the major events and developments in the press scene in the Republic of Vietnam (RVN). It first considers the press under the First Republic (1960–1963) and afterward the Second Republic (1963–1975). Under the First Republic, the press was controlled in two ways to keep it from opposing the government. First, the government gave newspapers coupons to buy newsprint at subsidized prices. Next, all the newspapers had to work with the exclusive distributor Thống Nhất, a commercial entity under government control. From 1964 until 1965, the press in South Vietnam was very much controlled by the various semicivilian, semimilitary governments and was heavily influenced by the armed forces. To conclude, the chapter briefly discusses the Press Law and other forms of press control in today's communist Vietnam for the purpose of comparison.

scholarly journals Legal justification of government acts and acts of disposal in the public rights of the Republic of Serbia

2012 ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Martinovic
Keyword(s):  
National Assembly ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Rights ◽  
System Coherence ◽  
Legal Justification ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Legal Security ◽  
Legal Character ◽  
Made In

The acts deciding on selection, appointment, nomination or deprivation have a unique legal character, regardless of which subject appears in the capacity of the enactor of the respective act - the Government, President of the Republic, National Assembly, ministry or the appropriate non-governmental subject. From the viewpoint of the coherence of the legal system coherence and of the citizens? or artificial persons? legal security, it is not good to treat these acts differently in situations which are in essence identical. We consider that it is a question of acts which differ from administrative acts, for a basic reason: they are passed in matters which are not administrative ones. Therefore, the distinction between matters in which decisions are made in regard to appointment, nomination or deprivation and matters of administration, regulated in Art. 43, Par. 2 of the Government Act, should be equally implemented by competent judicial instances, or by other appropriate authorities in the Republic of Serbia.

scholarly journals Political power of a candidate for the president of the Government of Republic of Srpska: Testing concepts of R. Dahl and J. K. Galbraith on example of program and composition proposal introduction

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (21) ◽  
pp. 97-111
Author(s):  
Bojan Grebenar
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Practical Case ◽  
Political Practice ◽  
Short Introduction ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Power Base ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Head Of Government

Within this work, we tested possibility of practical application of concepts of political power defined in Robert Dahl's and John Kenneth Galbraith's work. These concepts were tested on the practical case of election of the head of government in the Republic of Srpska. More precisely, introduction of the program and cabinet proposal in the National Assembly of Republic of Srpska by Milorad Dodik, candidate for the president of the Government of Republic of Srpska in November 2006. This was done first through the short introduction and analysis of four aspects of political power - base, means, scope and amount of power, and Galbraith's three types of political power: condign, compensatory, and conditioned power. Based on identified elements and types of power, we defined the crucial questions to be considered in the analysis of individual cases from the political practice. After that, we applied these questions and concepts on concrete case of Milorad Dodik's address to the National Assembly with proposition of his government program and composition. Results of this work show that Dahl's and Galbraith's concepts of political power have explanatory use in the analysis of political practice and processes. However, based on conducted analysis it can be noticed that they are limited because they do not include all elements that can affect political power. It can be concluded that comprehensive analysis of political power is made more difficult by nature of political processes and by their parts that stay secret and beyond reach of research and general public.

scholarly journals THE RISE AND FALL OF POLITICAL ISLAM IN SUDAN

2021 ◽  
pp. 85-104
Author(s):  
Sergey V. Kostelyanets
Keyword(s):  
Political Islam ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Effective Instrument ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

In April 2019, Sudan's long-serving President Omar al-Bashir was deposed in a bloodless military coup d'état, which took place amid a major wave of popular protests in the country. The present paper aims to assess the historic path of Sudanese Islamists toward the seizure of power in the course of the 1989 Salvation Revolution and their role in domestic and foreign policies of the Republic of the Sudan in 1989-2019. It will be argued that by the time of the demise of the regime in 2019 political Islam in Sudan had fully eroded and could no longer serve as an effective instrument of legitimization for the government of al-Bashir and that the return of the Islamists to power is improbable.

scholarly journals Dyplomacja Francji: ewolucja relacji na osi władzy Elysee-Matignon w układzie koabitacji

2018 ◽  
pp. 41-58
Author(s):  
Anna Kuczyńska
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Focal Point ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Rights ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The paper analyzes the decision-making process with respect to foreign policy and defense in the French Fifth Republic. The author discusses the constitutional rights of the President, Prime Minister and Parliament to emphasize that the notion of the exclusive domain (domaine réservé) of the head of the state has no legal grounds. In particular, she stresses the variations in the practice of exercising power in these terms under two distinct political situations: when the president and government are from the same political option, and when they are not. She notes that given the political homogeneity of the President and the majority in the National Assembly, the President, as the actual head of the unified party, becomes the focal point in the creation and implementation of the policies for ‘his’ France, in particular of the country’s foreign policy. This defies the stipulations of Articles 20 and 21 of the Constitution, by virtue of which the government, headed by the Prime Minister, “determines and conducts the policy of the nation.” The paper devotes considerable space to an analysis of the political influence of cohabitation, i.e. the coexistence of a President of the Republic and a majority in the National Assembly who represent different political orientations. This characterized the political system of France for nine years (1986–1988, 1993–1995, 1997–2002) during the evolution of the actual dependency on the Presidential and Prime Ministerial power axis (or the Elysée–Matignon axis, as these state organs are commonly referred to) in the process of shaping and conducting the international and European policy of the state. The role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs is taken into account regarding the outcome of these changeable relations.

Changes in Ghana Law Since The Military Take-Over

1966 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-111
Author(s):  
U. U. Uche
Keyword(s):  
Coup D'etat ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Chief Justice ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

On Thursday, February 24th, 1966, there was a military takeover of the Government of Ghana by the Ghana Army. Before the coup, Ghana was a sovereign unitary republic under a one-party régime. The President and the National Assembly made up the Parliament of the Republic. All Cabinet and other Ministers, except the President, were members of the National Assembly. Ministers were appointed by, responsible to and dismissible by the President. The President had veto powers over any Bills passed by the National Assembly and could in any case dissolve the Assembly in the event of a disagreement with the latter. The Chief Justice and other judges were appointed and dismissible by the President. From the above it is easy to see that the President constituted and dominated the Executive, the Legislature and the Judiciary of the country. What we propose to do here is to spotlight such constitutional and other changes in the law of Ghana as there have been since the coup d'état.

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