Life And Work of a Journalist

2020 ◽  
pp. 117-126
Author(s):  
Phạm Trần
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Government Control ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
The Press ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

This chapter recounts the major events and developments in the press scene in the Republic of Vietnam (RVN). It first considers the press under the First Republic (1960–1963) and afterward the Second Republic (1963–1975). Under the First Republic, the press was controlled in two ways to keep it from opposing the government. First, the government gave newspapers coupons to buy newsprint at subsidized prices. Next, all the newspapers had to work with the exclusive distributor Thống Nhất, a commercial entity under government control. From 1964 until 1965, the press in South Vietnam was very much controlled by the various semicivilian, semimilitary governments and was heavily influenced by the armed forces. To conclude, the chapter briefly discusses the Press Law and other forms of press control in today's communist Vietnam for the purpose of comparison.

Writers of the Republic of Vietnam

2020 ◽  
pp. 155-164
Author(s):  
Nhã Ca
Keyword(s):  
Vietnam War ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Southern Writers ◽  
South Vietnam ◽  
First Republic ◽  
The Vietnam War ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Indochina War

This chapter is about literary and artistic achievements under the Republic of Vietnam from 1955 to 1975. It first discusses the persecution of writers, scholars, and journalists during the Vietnam War. The chapter then turns to the generations of writers moved by the socio-political climate in South Vietnam after the end of the First Indochina War. From 1955 to 1960, during the first five years of the First Republic when the whole South still enjoyed peace and stability, Southern writers embarked on an auspicious journey. However, as the chapter shows, their most spectacular achievements appeared only during the troubled Second Republic period.

scholarly journals “The British Soldier is no Bolshevik”: The British Army, Discipline, and the Demobilization Strikes of 1919

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 321-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Butler
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
British Army ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Civilian Life ◽  
Daily Mail ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Military

Abstract This article considers the breakdown in discipline in the British Army which occurred in Britain and on the Western Front during the process of demobilization at the end of the First World War. Many soldiers, retained in the army immediately after the Armistice, went on strike, and some formed elected committees, demanding their swifter return to civilian life. Their perception was that the existing demobilization system was unjust, and men were soon organized by those more politically conscious members of the armed forces who had enlisted for the duration of the war. At one stage in January 1919, over 50,000 soldiers were out on strike, a fact that was of great concern to the British civilian and military authorities who miscalculated the risk posed by soldiers. Spurred on by many elements of the press, especially the Daily Mail and Daily Herald, who both fanned and dampened the flames of discontent, soldiers’ discipline broke down, demonstrating that the patriotism which had for so long kept them in line could only extend so far. Though senior members of the government, principally Winston Churchill, and the military, especially Douglas Haig and Henry Wilson, were genuinely concerned that Bolshevism had ‘infected’ the army, or, at the very least, the army had been unionized, their fears were not realized. The article examines the government’s strategy regarding demobilization, its efforts to assess the risk of politicization and manage the press, and its responses to these waves of strikes, arguing that, essentially, these soldiers were civilians first and simply wanted to return home, though, in the post-war political climate, government fears were very real.

Political, Military, and Cultural Memoirs in Vietnamese

2020 ◽  
pp. 179-188
Author(s):  
Tuan Hoang
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Positive Assessment ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Ngo Dinh Diem

This chapter discusses how historians view the values and limitations of personal memoirs. It also reviews some of the most important memoirs written in the Vietnamese language by former government and civil society leaders of the Republic of Vietnam (RVN). These memoirs have been published in the United States for many years, but scholars have hardly used them. This chapter's review helps not only to provide a broader context for the testimonies in this volume but also to draw out the major themes in those memoirs that parallel the discussion on the challenges facing nation-building efforts in the republic. These themes include communist violence that explains the harsh anticommunist policies in the early years of Ngô Đình Diệm, contested views of the First Republic, and a generally more positive assessment of the Second Republic. The bourgeois values embraced by the RVN, the chapter points out, drew support from many Vietnamese at the time and are a source of nostalgia for many in Vietnam today.

Pediatric Casualties during the Civil Conflict in the Republic of Georgia 22 November–5 December 1991

1994 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irakli T. Metreveli ◽  
Arno Vosk
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Republic Of Georgia ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Leader ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The Civil War in GeorgiaOn 9 April 1991, the Republic of Georgia proclaimed its independence from the Soviet Union. Sviat Gamsakhurdia, an anti-communist leader of the Georgian Nationalist movement, was elected President by an overwhelming majority. Soon after the election, however, Gamsakhurdia's popularity began to plummet. He was accused of suppressing any opposition, and he and his supporters accused the opposition of being in league with Moscow and seeking to sabotage Georgian independence. Demonstrators in Tbilisi, the capital city, demanded the resignation of the new government, and the government relied increasingly upon armed forces to maintain power.

scholarly journals THE REFORM AND EVOLUTION OF THE SLOVENIAN ARMED FORCES – A VIEW FROM ABROAD

2019 ◽  
pp. 161-174
Author(s):  
NEIL GRAYSTON
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Positive Trend ◽  
Territorial Defence ◽  
Force Structure ◽  
Defence Spending ◽  
Democratic Control ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Defence Expenditure

Abstract The Republic of Slovenia has been a member of NATO for 15 years. In preparing for NATO membership the Slovenian Armed Forces (SAF) were required to prepare for radical change, from a territorial defence force to one that could contribute to NATO missions. The need for change became even more significant after the government decision in 2002 to end conscription and move to a fully professional SAF. A revised force structure for the SAF was agreed in 2003, prior to Slovenia joining NATO in 2004. Progress in developing the SAF in the first five years of NATO membership, while encountering a number of challenges, showed a positive trend, with a commensurate increase in defence expenditure. In the following five years the economic crisis which affected most NATO countries had a particularly damaging effect on the continued development of the SAF, with very severe reductions in defence expenditure. Today, after 15 years of NATO membership, the SAF has still not recovered from the cuts made in defence spending. Spending remains close to 1.0% of GDP and is inadequate to support the force plans of the SAF. The SAF is unable to make an effective contribution to NATO and a decision needs to be made on the future size and shape of the SAF which matches plans for future defence expenditure. Key words NATO, Slovenia, Professionalization, Defence Planning, Defence Expenditure, Missions, Force Structure, Democratic Control.

scholarly journals #EsteVirusloParamosUnidos: War-like political communication on Twitter. Creating homogeneous communities in the Covid-19 crisis

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 1227-1241
Author(s):  
Anna Tous-Rovirosa ◽  
Daria Dergacheva
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Text Analysis ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Opinion Leaders ◽  
Data Sets ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Computer Based ◽  
The Government ◽  
Relationship Of

This article analyses the political communication on Twitter of the Government of Spain at the height of the Covid-19 pandemic. The #estevirusloparamosunidos campaign on Twitter is monitored during the dates with the worst results in terms of fatalities (March 31th- April, 4th, 2020). The sample included in total 398 523 tweets in four data sets. Through the Social Network Analysis, the main actors and the main interactions between users are identified. The research shows a high coincidence between the typology of the Press Conference Spokespersons and the main actors on the analyzed hashtag, prioritizing the Spanish Administration and the Armed Forces. There was also a high relationship of the main opinion leaders with their “natural spectrum”. We conclude that in this hashtag there was a “war-like” atmosphere. Via the computer-based text analysis we identify that the word ‘government’ was mentioned more than medical words and that there are present some military-like terms.

scholarly journals SYNERGY OF RELIGIOUS FIGURES WITH THE INDONESIAN ARMED FORCES AND THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA POLICE IN OVERCOMING RADICALISM MOVEMENTS TO SUPPORT STATE DEFENSE IN EAST JAVA

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 354
Author(s):  
Rini Windiyawati
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Phenomenological Research ◽  
Community Leaders ◽  
Research Approach ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Qualitative Phenomenological ◽  
State Defense

<p>The synergy between religious figures, community leaders, the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI), and the Republic of Indonesia Police (POLRI) is urgently needed for the government is facing radicalism movements in Indonesia. Entering the reformation era, radical ideologies have the possibility more to threaten national security. This study aims to describe the synergy between religious figures, the Indonesian Armed Forces, and the Republic of Indonesia Police to ward off radical movements in East Java. Radicalism is closely related to terrorism, both of which are acts of violence or threats to people's lives. Therefore, it is necessary to have synergy from several parties. The research approach in this research uses qualitative phenomenological research. According to the results of the study, it shows that 1) the factors that cause the rise of radicalism movements in East Java are the greatest lack of education and poverty and 2) the synergy between religious figures, Indonesian Armed Forces, and the Republic of Indonesia Police has been running quite well. It can be seen from good cooperation in carrying out duties and responsibilities in maintaining national integrity, especially in preventing radicalism movements by the religious figure by carrying out various activity agendas as socialization in preventing radicalism movements in East Java.</p>

scholarly journals Dwi Fungsi ABRI : Melacak Sejarah Keterlibatan ABRI dalam Kehidupan Sosial Politik dan Perekonomian Indonesia

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 23
Author(s):  
Anwar Anwar
Keyword(s):  
Political Stability ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
New Order ◽  
Dual Function ◽  
Economic Sectors ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Foreign Companies ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

This paper examines the historical roots of the emergence of the involvement of the Armed Forces of the Republic of Indonesia (ABRI) in the socio-political field, especially several reasons that form the basis of government policy to involve ABRI in the socio-political and economic fields, as well as ABRI’s own efforts to play a role in these fields. This historical approach research concluded that ABRI’s involvement in the socio-political field in Indonesia had begun since the government of Guided Democracy under President Soekarno. Politically, the reason for Soekarno’s inclusion of the military in his government structure was due to the failure of civilian politicians in formulating state ideology with no agreement between parties in the constituent assembly. This failure is considered to endanger national political stability and threaten the integrity of the country. For this reason, President Soekarno recruited the military to balance civilian politicians in his government. Along with its involvement in the socio-political field, ABRI also plays a role in socio-economics. Although at first, this role was limited to securing national private companies which were legacies of foreign companies, but during the New Order government, the dual function of ABRI was confirmed and its role was wider. Almost all strategic economic sectors are controlled by ABRI.

scholarly journals MILES SHEROVER AS A SALES AGENT OF REPUBLICAN SPAIN IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1937-1938

2021 ◽  
Vol 03 (07) ◽  
pp. 58-69
Author(s):  
V.V. Inviyaeva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Raw Materials ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Sales Agent

The article describes the activities of Miles Sherover, an American entrepreneur, president of the Hanover Sales Corporation, who served as a sales agent of the Spanish Republic in the United States in 1937-1938. During the study period, M. Sherover, being authorized by the Government of the Second Republic, participated in a number of initiatives of the leadership of the Spanish Republic, such as Spanish-American negotiations on the security of the finances and property of American companies in Spain and the sale of silver reserves of the Bank of Spain to the United States in order to pay for the purchase of military equipment, civilian goods and raw materials with the proceeds. In addition to being as a middleman between the Spanish Republic and the United States in the trade, M. Sherover was actively engaged in political activities, the consequences of which discredited the Embassy of the Republic in Washington, as the Spanish Ambassador Fernando de los Rios, who was wary of the entrepreneur, regularly reported to the Prime Minister of the Spanish Republic Juan Negrin and Foreign Minister Julio Alvarez del Vayo. In general, the activities of Miles Sherover were contradictory: in order to help the Second Republic, he was engaged not only in issues of Spanish-American trade during the war, but also was carried out active political activities that went beyond his official powers and put the diplomacy of the Second Republic in the United States in a difficult position

scholarly journals O sędziach pokoju w pracach Komisji Kodyfikacyjnej II Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 253-280
Author(s):  
Mariusz Mohyluk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Current Literature ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Main Research ◽  
Legal Literature ◽  
Justices Of The Peace ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article presents work on the unification of the Polish judiciary in the Second Republic in the years 1918–1928. It was carried out in three tracks. The initiator of the first moves consisting in unification of district regulations, reorganisation and taking over the judiciary was the government and the Ministry of Justice. Since February 1919, these measures were supported and approved by the Legislative Sejm (later the Sejm). Since November 1919 the burden of work was taken over by the Codification Commission of the Republic of Poland. The aim of this article is to discuss the course of work on the law on the system of common courts within the Codification Committee of the Republic of Poland, with particular emphasis on the provisions on justices of the peace. From this point of view, it will help to solve the main research problem of the article: to what extent did the Polish Codification Commission contribute to shaping the institution of justices of the peace in the Ordinance of the President of the Republic of Poland on Law on the System of Judiciary of 6 February 1928. The article makes use of archival materials, protocols from the sessions of the Codification Commission of the Second Polish Republic, the legal literature of the Second Republic and the current literature on the subject.

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