scholarly journals Zadarska biskupija u okviru Splitske metropolije od 805. do 1154. godine

Ars Adriatica ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Mladen Ančić
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Narrow Strip ◽  
Early Medieval Period ◽  
12Th Century ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Status ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City ◽  
Church Councils

The author discusses the impact of political relations on the definition of ecclesiastical jurisdiction areas and the status and development of the Zadar diocese from the 9th until the 12th century. The starting premise has been the fact that the territory of the Zadar diocese on the mainland was limited to the narrow strip of the city’s hinterland throughout the early medieval period. This situation can be inferred from the political and ecclesiastical situation in the broader Eastern Adriatic area during the 9th and early 10th centuries. The author emphasizes that the expansion of the jurisdiction area of Zadar’s bishop was initially obstructed by the organization of the Nin diocese, but also indicates the importance of the reform of ecclesiastical organization at the Church Councils of Split in 925 and 928. In this context, the article analyzes the circumstances that resulted in Zadar’s autonomy with regard to the Croatian ruler ever since the Treaty of Aachen in 812. This constellation led to the formation of a separate political entity, which the medieval sources call provintia Jadertina, with borders that coincided with those of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Zadar’s bishop. This situation has been compared to that of Split as fully incorporated in the territory of the Croatian rulers by the late 9th century, which turned out to be a crucial factor when defining the metropolitan see for the Croatian Kingdom. Integrating the city in the Croatian king’s system of governance and administration made it possible for the Archbishop of Split to extend his area of jurisdiction well into the hinterland. The similar position of Trogir resulted in the fact that, at the time when the Trogir diocese was established, the jurisdiction area of the new bishop likewise included a relatively broad hinterland area. The concluding remarks explain why the political changes in the second half of the 11th century could no longer change the long-established situation.

The Place of Interests in Hobbes’s Civil Science

2016 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 105-128
Author(s):  
Elliott Karstadt
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Crucial Importance ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
Civil Science ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Way

Many scholars argue that Hobbes’s political ideas do not significantly develop between The Elements of Law (1640) and Leviathan (1651). This article seeks to challenge that assumption by studying the way in which Hobbes’s deployment of the vocabulary of ‘interest’ develops over the course of the 1640s. The article begins by showing that the vocabulary is newly important in Leviathan, before attempting a ‘Hobbesian definition’ of what is meant by the term. We end by looking at the impact that the vocabulary has on two key areas of Hobbes’s philosophy: his theory of counsel and his arguments in favour of monarchy as the best form of government. In both areas, Hobbes’s conception of ‘interests’ is shown to be of crucial importance in lending a new understanding of the political issue under consideration.

scholarly journals FORKLÆDTE PENGE: En diskussion af brugerbetaling i en gratis nicaraguansk folkeskole

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clara Rübner Jørgensen
Keyword(s):  
Social Consequences ◽  
Economic Aspects ◽  
School Expenditures ◽  
The People ◽  
The Status ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The City ◽  
The Way ◽  
Marginalized Families

On the basis of data collected during fieldwork in the city of León, Nicaragua, this article discusses the paradox of many Nicaraguan parents describing their children’s school as being free of charge despite the fact that they are frequently asked to pay for it. The article shows that, in spite of the constitutional definition of education as free and equal for all Nicaraguans, parents are often asked for economic contributions. By analysing the values surrounding the school I suggest that values of responsibility and solidarity influence the way that parents conceptualize their school expenditures and, in relation to this, confirm the status of the school as free. Furthermore, the article describes how Nicaraguan parents often compare the school to their home and describe the relation between teacher and students by using family terms. Inspired by the theory of the American sociologist James Carrier, I argue that this comparison, in addition to the values of responsibility and solidarity, further influences the way Nicaraguan parents and children experience their economic contributions. Finally, I argue that even though the users of the school describe it as free of charge, it remains necessary to recognize its economic aspects, since a lack of recognition can turn out to have important individual and social consequences for the people involved, especially, for the most economically marginalized families.  

scholarly journals The (No-)Public Space. Reviewing the Transformation of Al-Qaed Ibrahim's Urban Image

2020 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Iman Hegazy
Keyword(s):  
Public Space ◽  
Public Spaces ◽  
The Political ◽  
Urban Image ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Political Events ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

Public spaces are defined as places that should be accessible to all inhabitants without restrictions. They are spaces not only for gathering, socializing and celebrating but also for initiating discussions, protesting and demonstrating. Thus, public spaces are intangible expressions of democracy—a topic that the paper tackles its viability within the context of Alexandria, case study Al-Qaed Ibrahim square. On the one hand, Al-Qaed Ibrahim square which is named after Al-Qaed Ibrahim mosque is a sacred element in the urban fabric; whereas on the other it represents a non-religious revolutionary symbol in the Alexandrian urban public sphere. This contradiction necessitates finding an approach to study the characteristic of this square/mosque within the Alexandrian context—that is to realize the impact of the socio-political events on the image of Al-Qaed Ibrahim square, and how it has transformed into a revolutionary urban symbol and yet into a no-public space. The research revolves around the hypothesis that the political events taking place in Egypt after January 25th, 2011, have directly affected the development of urban public spaces, especially in Alexandria. Therefore methodologically, the paper reviews the development of Al-Qaed Ibrahim square throughout the Egyptian socio-political changes, with a focus on the square’s urban and emotional contextual transformations. For this reason, the study adheres to two theories: the "city elements" by Kevin Lynch and "emotionalizing the urban" by Frank Eckardt. The aim is not only to study the mentioned public space but also to figure out the changes in people’s societal behaviour and emotion toward it. Through empowering public spaces, the paper calls the different Egyptian political and civic powers to recognize each other, regardless of their religious, ethnical or political affiliations. It is a step towards replacing the ongoing political conflicts, polarization, and suppression with societal reconciliation, coexistence, and democracy.

scholarly journals THE ROLE OF THE KYZYLORDA PERIOD IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE EDUCATION SYSTEM OF KAZAKHSTAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
E.A. Jalmagambetov ◽  
◽  
E.Zh. Aziretbergenova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Education System ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Boarding Schools ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Remote Areas ◽  
The Status ◽  
The City

The Kyzylorda period in the development of the education system of Kazakhstan occupies a special place. The center's move to the city of Kyzylorda gave a new impetus to the political and public life of the region. Young people seeking education started coming to the city of Kyzylorda from other regions. After assigning the status of the capital in the city of Kyzylorda began to open up new educational institutions. The Kazakh Institute of education and medical schools moved from Orenburg. The city has opened educational schools of the first and second categories. Special boarding schools were opened for people living in remote areas. The work of boarding schools was constantly monitored by special commissions. In 1925, the famous writer Gabiden Mustafin worked and studied in the city of Kyzylorda. Also, S. Mukanov, A. Kenzhin and other representatives of the Kazakh intelligentsia worked in the education system.

scholarly journals Bodily abjection and the politics of resistance in Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabelle Torrance
Keyword(s):  
Open Channel ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
Northern Irish ◽  
The Status ◽  
Politics Of Resistance ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Political Actions

Abstract Tom Paulin’s Greek tragedies present extremes of bodily abjection in order to service of a politics of resistance that is tied, in each case, to the political context of the drama’s production. The Riot Act (1984), Seize the Fire (1989), and Medea (2010), share a focus on the degradation of oppressed political groups and feature characters who destabilize the status quo. Yet the impact of disruptive political actions is not ultimately made clear. We are left wondering at the conclusion of each tragedy if the momentous acts of defiance we have witnessed have any power to create systemic change within politically rigged systems. The two 1980s plays are discussed together and form a sequence, with The Riot Act overtly addressing the Northern Irish conflict and Seize the Fire encompassing a broader sweep of oppressive regimes. The politics of discrimination in Medea are illuminated by comparison with similar themes in Paulin’s Love’s Bonfire (2010). Unlike other Northern Irish adaptations of Greek tragedy, Paulin’s dramas, arrested in their political moments, present little hope for the immediate future. Yet in asking us to consider if individual sacrifice is enough to achieve radical change they maintain an open channel for political discourse.

scholarly journals A razão agoniza em uma casa vazia: modernismo arquitetônico no filme O Desafio

Revista Prumo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (8) ◽  
pp. 22-31
Author(s):  
Carlos Eduardo Pinto
Keyword(s):  
Military Coup ◽  
The Political ◽  
Urban Representation ◽  
Brazilian Cinema ◽  
New Form ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

Paulo César Saraceni’s The dare (1965) is a milestone of the Brazilian Cinema Novo. Considered the first cinematographic movie to openly address the 1964 civil-military coup, it also inaugurated a lineage of intimate Rio films, committed to reading beyond the representation of the city through postcard images. The film pays special attention to the scenarios, especially houses and apartments, defining the political and psychological contours of the characters through their interaction with the environments. In this article I make explicit the impact caused by this new form of urban representation and, finally, I make the analysis of two sequences, in which an almost empty modernist house is set against a burning, ruined pension. The aim is to demonstrate that, while the contours of these scenarios define the protagonists’ conflicts, the actions taken in each environment add meaning to the architecture.

1918–1920

2021 ◽  
pp. 137-150
Author(s):  
Daniel-Joseph MacArthur-Seal
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
The Caucasus ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
The Future ◽  
National Movements ◽  
Southern Russia ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

The sub-chapter traces major military and political developments in the eastern Mediterranean in 1918–1920, beginning with the arrival of British and Allied forces in Istanbul. It sketches out the political debate over the future of the city and wider Ottoman Empire through the series of Allied diplomatic meetings that set out the terms of what would become the Treaty of Sèvres. The chapter also summarises developments in Anatolia following the Greek occupation of Izmir in May 1919, the reaction to which crystalized the emerging nationalist movement in Anatolia, and in southern Russia and the Caucasus, where Bolshevik and White Russian forces competed for control with non-Russian national movements. Finally, it outlines the political debate over the future of Egypt and the impact of the revolution of 1919, one of a growing number of anti-colonial uprisings which Britain was forced to contend with in the period.

Utrum sapienti competat prolem habere?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sylvain Piron
Keyword(s):  
Fourteenth Century ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Unit ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

This chapter considers fourteenth-century Italian debates about the costs of marriage to the work of a philosopher. Following Heloise’s famous injunction against the idea of marriage to Abelard, when she railed against the impact it would have upon his work, this chapter investigates how the terms of this conversation were transformed by the insights of lay intellectuals of cities like Arezzo, Bologna, and Florence, who were grappling with the implications of fatherhood as part of the economic unit of the household, and its role in the political life of the city.

Silvio Berlusconi and the Italian presidency: accordions, triangles and constitutional change

Modern Italy ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Furlong
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Status ◽  
Long Term Impact ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Silvio Berlusconi

This article considers the changed role of the Italian presidency and the impact and legacy of Silvio Berlusconi on this. After consideration of some of the methodological difficulties raised by these issues, the article looks at the role of the presidency up to 1992, when the presidency was interpreted in narrow terms set by the framers of the 1948 constitution and by the predominance of the party leaders of the period over the political direction of the State. The article considers how presidents from Sandro Pertini (1978–85) on, sought in different ways to expand the political role of their office. The article analyses the different ways that Oscar Luigi Scalfaro, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi and Giorgio Napolitano used their formal and informal powers both to maintain the status of the office and to promote political goals, and concludes with an assessment of the likely long-term impact of these changes and of Berlusconi's role in them.

scholarly journals City Profile: Johannesburg, South Africa

2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-270
Author(s):  
Caryn Abrahams ◽  
David Everatt
Keyword(s):  
Urban Governance ◽  
Industrial Plant ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Continent ◽  
The Past ◽  
Fiscal Management ◽  
The North ◽  
Rivers And Streams ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

The city of Johannesburg offers insights into urban governance and the interesting interplay between managing the pressures in a rapidly urbanizing context, with the political imperatives that are enduring challenges. The metropolitan municipality of Johannesburg (hereafter Johannesburg), as it is known today, represents one of the most diverse cities in the African continent. That urbanization, however, came up hard against the power of the past. Areas zoned by race had been carved into the landscape, with natural and manufactured boundaries to keep formerly white areas ‘safe’ from those zoned for other races. Highways, light industrial plant, rivers and streams, all combined to ensure the Johannesburg landscape are spatially disfigured, and precisely because it is built into the landscape, the impact of apartheid has proved remarkably durable. Urban growth is concentrated in Johannesburg’s townships and much of it is class driven: the middle class (of all races) is increasingly being found in cluster and complexes in the north Johannesburg, while poor and working-class African and coloured communities in particular are densifying in the south. The racial and spatial divisions of the city continue to pose fundamental challenges in terms of governance, fiscal management and spatially driven service delivery.

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