scholarly journals Lietuvos žiniasklaidos sistemos modelio bruožai

2011 ◽  
Vol 55 ◽  
pp. 52-70
Author(s):  
Deimantas Jastramskis

Straipsnyje nagrinėjamas Lietuvos žiniasklaidos sistemos funkcionavimas. Remiantis D. Hallino irP. Mancini sudarytais žiniasklaidos sistemų modeliais: poliarizuotuoju pliuralistiniu, demokratiniu korporaciniu ir liberaliuoju, aiškinamasi, kokius šių modelių bruožus yra įgijusi Lietuvos žiniasklaidos sistema. Žiniasklaidos sistemos modelių bruožai nustatomi analizuojant keturias dimensijas: laikraščių industrijos plėtros procesą, politinį paralelizmą žiniasklaidoje, žurnalistinio profesionalizmo esamybę ir valstybės intervencijos į žiniasklaidos sistemą pobūdį.Straipsnyje teigiama, kad formuojant teisinę, politinę, ekonominę žiniasklaidos aplinką ir žiniasklaidos savitvarkos sistemą, Lietuvos žiniasklaidos sistema įgijo poliarizuotojo pliuralistinio, demokratinio korporacinio ir liberaliojo modelių bruožų, tačiau vyraujantys yra poliarizuotojo pliuralistinio modelio bruožai, būdingi Viduržemio jūros šalių žiniasklaidos sistemoms.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: žiniasklaida, sistema, modelis, valstybė.Features of the model of the Lithuanian media systemDeimantas Jastramskis SummaryThe article analyzes the functioning of the Lithuanian media system. Based on the D. Hallin’s and P. Mancini’s theoretical scheme of media systems (Democratic Corporatist, Liberal and Polarized Pluralist), the main features of the system are delineated. This is achieved by the analysis of four media system dimensions: development of newspaper industry, political parallelism in the media, professionalization of journalism, and the role of the state in the media system.The claim of the article is that in the formation process of, the media environment (legal, political, economic) and self-regulation, the Lithuanian media system acquired features of all three models of media systems. However, features of the Polarized Pluralist model (which are typical of Mediterranean countries) are predominant.>

Author(s):  
Manfred Knoche

Abstract: This paper discusses how the capitalist media industry has been structurally transformed in the age of digital communications. It takes an approach that is grounded in the Marxian critique of the political economy of the media. It draws a distinction between media capital, media-oriented capital, media infrastructure capital and media-external capital as the forms of capital in the media industry. The article identifies four capital strategies that media capital tends to use in order to try to maximise profits: a) The substitution of “old” by “new” media technology, b) the introduction of new transmission channels for “old” media products, c) the definition of new property rights for media sectors and networks, d) the reduction of production and transaction costs. The drive to profit maximization is at the heart of the capitalist media industry’s structural transformation. This work also discusses the tendency to the universalization of the media system in the digital age and the economic contradictions arising from it. It identifies activity fields of the media industry’s structural transformation and shows how the concentration of the capitalist media markets is an essential, contradictory and inherent feature of the capitalist media system and its structural transformation. The paper identifies six causes of why capital seeks to employ capital strategies that result in the media industry’s structural transformation. They include market saturation, overaccumulation, the tendency of the profit rate to fall, capital-concentration, competition pressure, and advertising. The paper finally discusses the role of the state as an agent of capital in general and media capital in particular. It discusses the role of the state in privatisations, neoliberal deregulation, the formation of national competitive states, and various benefits that the state provides for media capital. This contribution shows that capital and capitalism are the main structural transformers of the media and communications system. For understanding these transformations, we need an approach that is grounded in Marx’s critique of the political economy.Translation from German: Christian Fuchs and Marisol Sandoval


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110471
Author(s):  
Dasniel Olivera Pérez ◽  
Mariana De Maio

This paper analyzes the relationship between media and politics in Cuba during the presidency of Raúl Castro (2006–2018). It contributes to the theoretical discussion about the approaches concerning change and continuity in media systems with empirical evidence from interviews with communication and political science experts, and an analysis of non-standardized content in academic, political, legal, and professional documents. The (re)structuring of the media system is explained by the most important political, economic, technological, and cultural events of the period studied: the survival of the Soviet media model, the impact of the U.S. conflict with Cuba on domestic politics, and a (de)territorialized notion of system boundaries. The patterns of change and continuity are discussed through the relationships among the State’s participation in media and the fulfillment of media’s democratic functions, the media policy projection and journalism cultures, and the political articulation of the media and development of the media industry. The articulations among these patterns highlight the relevance of a multidimensional approach as an interpretive dimension of media systems.


2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (s2) ◽  
pp. 102-123
Author(s):  
Signe Ravn-Højgaard ◽  
Valgerður Jóhannsdóttir ◽  
Ragnar Karlsson ◽  
Rógvi Olavson ◽  
Heini í Skorini

Abstract This study compares the media systems of the West Nordic countries, namely the Faroe Islands, Greenland, and Iceland. All three countries are democratic welfare states with considerable institutional transfer from the larger Nordic countries. It is argued that the West Nordic media systems fit into the “Nordic model” when it comes to the perception of media as cultural institutions as well as the central role of public service media. On the other hand, the micro-size of the media systems in the West Nordic countries makes them vulnerable, and makes editorial independence more difficult compared with their larger Nordic neighbours. In particular, media outlets within these micro-size media systems seem more susceptible to clientelism, and journalists seem more inclined towards self-censorship. This article highlights how interplay between small size and distinct local factors shape the media system in each of the West Nordic countries.


Author(s):  
Francis L. F Lee ◽  
Joseph M Chan

This chapter discusses the role of the media in the formation and mobilization of the protest campaign under the concept of the partially censored public monitor. Embedded in the dominant political economic structure, the mainstream media were on the whole negative toward the Umbrella Movement. However, (self)-censorship was only partial, and the media system continued to play the role of the public monitor. The media played an important role in generating mediated instant grievances among the public when the police fired tear gas into the protesting crowd at the beginning of the occupation. They also helped monitor police violence throughout the protest campaign. Digital media strengthened the public monitor function of the media system as a whole by facilitating wider flows of media materials. As a result, the impact of the media on public opinion toward the Umbrella Movement was mixed and contradictory.


2013 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 709-726 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zrinjka Peruško

The article presents the analysis of the Croatian post-socialist media system within the comparative framework of Hallin and Mancini’s approach. The media system and the political system are analyzed with the cluster of variables, interpreting the development of the media market, political parallelism, journalistic professionalism, and the role of the state in relation to the existing theoretical framework. The paper demonstrates a perfect fit with the Mediterranean polarized pluralist model of media system, and argues that the Croatian case disproves the proposition that Hallin and Mancini’s model cannot be applied to new democracies in post-communist Europe. The communist period in Croatia provided nuance to an already existing framework of media system, while the post-communist transition after 1990 and ensuing democracy continue to exhibit the historically determined relationships between politics and the media. The article argues in conclusion that ignorance of the true nature of media systems and social and political frameworks that shape them are the reason for the failed internationally assisted democratization processes and successful implementation of foreign media regulation models.


Author(s):  
Mark I. Vail

This chapter analyzes the development of French, German, and Italian liberalism from the nineteenth century to the 1980s, giving particular attention to each tradition’s conceptions of the role of the state and its relationship to groups and individual citizens. Using a broad range of historical source material and the works of influential political philosophers, it outlines the analytical frameworks central to French “statist liberalism,” German “corporate liberalism,” and Italian “clientelist liberalism.” It shows how these evolving traditions shaped the structure of each country’s postwar political-economic model and the policy priorities developed during the postwar boom through the early 1970s and provides conceptual touchstones for the direction and character of these traditions’ evolution in the face of the neoliberal challenge since the 1990s. The chapter demonstrates that each tradition accepted elements of a more liberal economic order while rejecting neoliberalism’s messianic market-making agenda and its abstract and disembedded political-economic vision.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edda Humprecht ◽  
Laia Castro Herrero ◽  
Sina Blassnig ◽  
Michael Brüggemann ◽  
Sven Engesser

Abstract Media systems have changed significantly as a result of the development of information technologies. However, typologies of media systems that incorporate aspects of digitalization are rare. This study fills this gap by identifying, operationalizing, and measuring indicators of media systems in the digital age. We build on previous work, extend it with new indicators that reflect changing conditions (such as online news use), and include media freedom indicators. We include 30 countries in our study and use cluster analysis to identify three clusters of media systems. Two of these clusters correspond to the media system models described by Hallin and Mancini, namely the democratic-corporatist and the polarized-pluralist model. However, the liberal model as described by Hallin and Mancini has vanished; instead, we find empirical evidence of a new cluster that we call “hybrid”: it is positioned in between the poles of the media-supportive democratic-corporatist and the polarized-pluralist clusters.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-119
Author(s):  
Sari Rahmani ◽  
Irma Suryani

Indonesia telah mengatur pembatasan tayangan asing di layar stasiun televisi dalam negeri. Regulasi tersebut tertuang dalam Undang-Undang Penyiaran Nomor 32 Tahun 2002 Pasal 36 ayat 2 yang mewajibkan setiap stasiun televisi untuk menayangkan sekurang-kurangnya 60% tayangan produksi domestik. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis permasalahan tayangan asing di televisi Indonesia dalam perspektif kritis industri budaya. Metode yang dilakukan adalah metode kualitatif studi kasus. Pengambilan data dari berbagai studi dokumen dan wawancara. Data yang telah dikumpulkan dianalisis dengan teknik pengumpulan data, reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa stasiun televisi swasta melanggar ketentuan mengenai muatan tayangan asing. Ada dua masalah utama tayangan asing di televisi Indonesia. Masalah pertama adalah lemahnya peran negara terhadap penyiaran di Indonesia. Kedua adalah masalah ekonomi media khususnya terkait dengan pekerja media.   Indonesia issued the law regarding the limitation of foreign television programs in 2002. In Article 36, paragraph 2 of Law No. 32/2002 stated that every television station is obligated to broadcast domestic programs at least 60 percent of the total content. This research aimed to analyze foreign programs in Indonesia through a critical thinking perspective. This research adopted a study case, qualitative approach. Data collection was done through interviews, documents study. The collected data were analyzed by data collection, reduction, display, and conclusion drawing. The findings showed that  The results showed that private television stations violated the provisions regarding the proportion of foreign programs. There were two main problems that emerge from foreign programs in private TV stations. The first problem was the weak role of the state in broadcasting in Indonesia. The second was the problem of the media economy, especially related to media workers.


Politik ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Signe Ravn-Højgaard

This article discusses the potential impact of Greenlandic independence on Greenland’s media system and suggests initiatives necessary for maintaining strong Greenlandic media in the future. Using Manuel Puppis' (2009) theory of the characteristics of small media systems, the Greenlandic media system is described. It is shown that it is built with the following aim in mind: the media should support the Greenlandic society by being independent and diverse, strengthening the Greenlandic language, and providing quality journalism that can heighten the public debate. However, as a small media system it is vulnerable to global tendencies where legacy media lose users and advertisers to digital platforms like Facebook and streaming services. The article argues that the vulnerability of the Greenlandic media system could increase if independence leads to a tighter public economy, impeding the media's ability to support Greenlandic society and culture. An interventionist media regulation could, therefore, be a prerequisite for a strong Greenlandic media system that can act as a unifying and nation-building institution.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivo Indjov ◽  
◽  
◽  

The study examines the applicability of the comparative framework of Hallin and Mancini (2004) with their three models of media‒politics relations (Mediterranean or Polarized Pluralist Model, North/ Central European or Democratic Corporatist Model, and North Atlantic or Liberal Model) to a post-communist country like Bulgaria. The answer to this question is sought through a study of the role of the state in relation to the media system, particularly the state funding of media in its various forms. The analysis leads to the conclusion that the Bulgarian media system is most similar to the Mediterranean Model due to the power of еtatism (the state finances public media, and the government buys media love through state and municipal advertising). At the same time, ineffective media regulation favors media concentration and the instrumentalization of large government media groups. The processes of rapid liberalization, privatization and deregulation in the media sector after 1989 brought Bulgaria closer to the countries included in the Liberal Model. Therefore, its media system is hybrid to some extent, but the similarities with the Mediterranean Model remain in the lead. The clientelism through which they are tamed, resp. corrupt the media, brings Bulgaria closer to the Latin American countries where it is much stronger than in the Mediterranean region (Hallin, Papathanassopoulos 2002). The concluding part predicts that, in the future, the analysis of the Bulgarian media system can be enhanced with a study of the applicability of the concepts of the “captured liberal model” of the media (in Latin America) and the “captured media” in the post-communist world.


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