scholarly journals La reacción conservadora: procesos y referentes ideológicos de la oposición conservadora al reformismo liberal

2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 97-126 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Guillermo Zapata Avila

 El presente artículo expone cómo se produjo en Antioquia el proceso de reacción conservadora a las reformas liberales que se emprendieron en la Nueva Granada a mediados de siglo XIX. En el contexto histórico se referencia un discurso político que enfrentaba dos ideologías que comenzaban a consolidarse, a partir de la emergencia de los partidos políticos. El texto analiza los diferentes discursos que se emitieron a lo largo de la revolución conservadora, que en buena medida configuraron la conciencia política de Antioquia. Provincia que se convirtió en epicentro del accionar conservador en el país, ya que, después se crean las bases, no sólo para asegurar un discurso y una ideología política propiamente conservadora en esta provincia, sino también, una serie de estrategias electorales que favorecieron al conservatismo en esta parte del país.  Palabras claves: reacción conservadora, federalismo, religión, liberalismo y Antioquia. Conservative Reaction: Ideological Processes and Referents from the Conservative Party Opposition to the Liberal Party Reformism AbstractThis article shows how it was originated in Antioquia the conservative party reaction process against liberal party reforms; reforms undertaken along the New Granada in the mid 19th century. In the historical context it is mentioned a political speech which faced two ideologies that were starting to be shaped due to the political parties emergency. The text analyses the different speeches broadcasted during the conservative party revolution that in a large extent shaped the political conscience in Antioquia. Antioquia became the headquarters  for the conservative party, as later are created the basis for ensuring not only an strictly conservative political view, but also the election strategies that helped the conservative party in that region of the country.Keywords: Conservative Reaction, Federalism, Religion, Liberal Party and Antioquia.

Author(s):  
Angela Alonso

The Second Reign (1840–1889), the monarchic times under the rule of D. Pedro II, had two political parties. The Conservative Party was the cornerstone of the regime, defending political and social institutions, including slavery. The Liberal Party, the weaker player, adopted a reformist agenda, placing slavery in debate in 1864. Although the Liberal Party had the majority in the House, the Conservative Party achieved the government, in 1868, and dropped the slavery discussion apart from the parliamentary agenda. The Liberals protested in the public space against the coup d’état, and one of its factions joined political outsiders, which gave birth to a Republic Party in 1870. In 1871, the Conservative Party also split, when its moderate faction passed a Free Womb bill. In the 1880s, the Liberal and Conservative Parties attacked each other and fought their inner battles, mostly around the abolition of slavery. Meanwhile, the Republican Party grew, gathering the new generation of modernizing social groups without voices in the political institutions. This politically marginalized young men joined the public debate in the 1870s organizing a reformist movement. They fought the core of Empire tradition (a set of legitimizing ideas and political institutions) by appropriating two main foreign intellectual schemes. One was the French “scientific politics,” which helped them to built a diagnosis of Brazil as a “backward country in the March of Civilization,” a sentence repeated in many books and articles. The other was the Portuguese thesis of colonial decadence that helped the reformist movement to announce a coming crisis of the Brazilian colonial legacy—slavery, monarchy, latifundia. Reformism contested the status quo institutions, values, and practices, while conceiving a civilized future for the nation as based on secularization, free labor, and inclusive political institutions. However, it avoided theories of revolution. It was a modernizing, albeit not a democrat, movement. Reformism was an umbrella movement, under which two other movements, the Abolitionist and the Republican ones, lived mostly together. The unity split just after the shared issue of the abolition of slavery became law in 1888, following two decades of public mobilization. Then, most of the reformists joined the Republican Party. In 1888 and 1889, street mobilization was intense and the political system failed to respond. Monarchy neither solved the political representation claims, nor attended to the claims for modernization. Unsatisfied with abolition format, most of the abolitionists (the law excluded rights for former slaves) and pro-slavery politicians (there was no compensation) joined the Republican Party. Even politicians loyal to the monarchy divided around the dynastic succession. Hence, the civil–military coup that put an end to the Empire on November 15, 1889, did not come as a surprise. The Republican Party and most of the reformist movement members joined the army, and many of the Empire politician leaders endorsed the Republic without resistance. A new political–intellectual alignment then emerged. While the republicans preserved the frame “Empire = decadence/Republic = progress,” monarchists inverted it, presenting the Empire as an era of civilization and the Republic as the rule of barbarians. Monarchists lost the political battle; nevertheless, they won the symbolic war, their narrative dominated the historiography for decades, and it is still the most common view shared among Brazilians.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (8) ◽  
pp. 12-43
Author(s):  
Edwin Andrés Monsalvo Mendoza

El presente artículo muestra —a partir del análisis de las normas electorales compiladas en la Codificación Nacional—, el papel que jugó la legislación electoral colombiana en los comicios durante la primera mitad de siglo XIX. El interés principal se centra en la descripción y análisis de los requisitos para ser sufragante y elector, el desarrollo de las elecciones parroquiales, las transgresiones a las normas y el papel de los jueces durante los comicios. Nuestra hipótesis es que las normas se iban construyendo en la medida que las prácticas electorales hacían necesario su regulación.Palabras claves: legislación electoral, elecciones, electores, Nueva Granada.Between Legislation and Votes. The Electoral Legislation in the Nueva Granada During the First Half of the 19th CenturyAbstractThis article shows —from the analysis of compiled electoral standards in national encoding— the role played by the Colombian electoral legislation on the elections during the first half of the 19th century. The main interest focuses on the description and analysis of the requirements to be an elector, the development of the local elections, the violations to the rules and the role of judges during these elections. Our hypothesis is that standards were building to the extent that electoral practices made it necessary to its regulation. Keywords: electoral legislation, elections, voters, New Granada.


Author(s):  
Beatriz Alondra Durán Oñate

Resumen. En el siglo XIX, en varios países europeos se publicaron guías y manuales de viajeros, estas obras contenían información útil para los viajeros acerca de un país o una ciudad en específico, como la historia del lugar, sus principales edificios y monumentos, servicios comerciales y lugares de esparcimiento. En México, las guías y manuales de viajeros publicados fueron escritos por personajes como Marcos Arróniz, Juan Nepomuceno Almonte y Juan N. del Valle, miembros o simpatizantes del Partido Conservador Mexicano. Con la finalidad de contrarrestar la mala imagen del país derivada de la inestabilidad política y las guerras, los autores plasmaron una imagen positiva, exaltando su historia, las costumbres de sus habitantes y el desarrollo económico. Abstract. During the 19th century were published guides and traveler manuals in several European countries; these works contained useful information for travelers about a country or city in particular, as the history of the place, its main buildings and monuments, commercial services and recreational places. In Mexico, those guides were written by people like Marcos Arróniz, Juan N. Almonte and Juan N. del Valle, members or supporters of the Mexican Conservative Party. With the purpose of counteract the bad image that the political instability and wars had given the country, the authors molded a positive image, extolling its history, economic development and the manners of its inhabitants.


UK Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 121-143
Author(s):  
Andrew Blick

This chapter switches the focus to political parties. It looks at their individual roles and how they operate. The chapter discusses the parties that constitute the ‘party system’. It considers the two main parties operating at the UK level: the Conservative Party and the Labour Party. It also looks at the smaller parties, such as the Liberal Democrats. The chapter considers the political approach of the various parties and the type of support they attract. It also looks at how parties are funded. The chapter provides a number of theoretical perspectives to help with an analysis of political parties. These are: the extent to which parties pursue values or power; the respective roles of their members and leaders; groupings within parties; how far the UK has a two-party system or whether our definition of the party system should be revised; and the relationships between the various parities. The chapter then gives examples of how these ideas play out with specific focus on recent events involving the Conversative and Labour parties. The chapter asks: do members have too much influence over their parties? The chapter ends by asking: where are we now?


Author(s):  
José Antonio Cañizares Márquez

Tras los fracasados intentos de reforma colonial de la metrópoli española en la isla de Cuba en el siglo XIX, la Guerra de los Diez Años (1868-1878) representó la primera fase de una revolución independentista coordinada, de diferentes grupos organizados, en la que el papel de los catedráticos fue muy relevante. No obstante, existe un vacío en el trabajo historiográfico sobre el protagonismo político de los catedráticos de institutos en el proceso independentista. Resulta de sumo interés el estudio de estos actores para entender la política colonial de instrucción pública en Cuba, ya que durante la Guerra Grande el sesenta y cinco por ciento de los catedráticos fueron declarados insurrectos, acusados de delitos de infidencia, separados de sus cátedras, encarcelados y algunos ejecutados. Los objetivos de esta investigación no sólo pretenden contribuir al estudio del independentismo en Cuba sino que también pueden ayudar a consolidar los estudios de acción colectiva poco frecuentes en la historiografía española.After the unsuccessful attempts of colonial reform from the Spanish metropolis on the island of Cuba in the 19th century, the Ten Years’ War (1868-1878) represented the first phase of a coordinated independence revolution by different organized groups, in which the role of the professors was quite relevant. Nevertheless, there is a gap in the historiographic work about the political importance of these professors in the independence process. Therefore, it is highly relevant to study these actors to understand the colonial policy of public instruction in Cuba, due to the fact that sixty-five percent of the professors were declared insurgents, accused of treason, dispossessed of their positions, imprisoned and many of them were executed during the Great War. As a result, the objectives of this research are not only intended to contribute to the study of the independence movement in Cuba, but also help consolidate collective action studies that are uncommon in Spanish historiography.


Author(s):  
Ima Poveda

ResumenEn el siglo XIX, en la Nueva Granada, la forma de vestir femenina, enmarcada en un fenómeno moderno como la moda, fue vista con recelo ya que conllevaba a las mujeres a expresar su individualidad y a generar otros comportamientos inapropiados para los “ángeles del hogar”. Por esto, era duramente criticada y vigilada en los discursos de urbanidad y comportamiento. Sin embargo, muchos de estos llamados, especialmente a la modestia, solo quedaron en el discurso.Palabras clave: Moda, mujeres, individualidad, urbanidad, siglo XIX, burguesía********************************************************************Women in the elite of Bogotá in the 19th century and fashionAbstractIn the 19th century, in Nueva Granada, the feminine way of dressing, framed within a modern phenomenon like fashion was seen suspiciously as it meant expressing women’s individuality and generating other inappropriate behaviors for the angels of the home. Because of this, it was harshly criticized and invigilated through the discourse of behavior and urbanity. However, many of these calls, especially to modesty, remained only as discourse.Key words: fashion, women, individuality, urbanity, 19th Century, burgeoisie.********************************************************************As mulheres da elite bogotana de século XIX e a modaResumoNo século XIX, na Nueva Granada, a forma de vestir feminina, enquadrada num fenômeno moderno como a moda, foi vista com receio, já que levava a expressar sua individualidade e a gerar outros comportamentos inapropriados para os anjos do lar. Por isto, era duramente criticado e vigiado nos discursos de urbanidade e comportamento. No entanto, muitos destes chamados, especialmente à modéstia, só ficaram no discurso.Palavras chave: moda, mulheres, individualidade, urbanidade, século XIX, burguesia.


2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 153-179
Author(s):  
Pejman Abdolmohammadi

Mirzā Fatḥʿalī Āḫūndzāde (1812-1878) is one of the most important thinkers and intellectuals of the 19th century in Iran. He started to develop a critical perception of political Islam, giving rise to a new current of thought based on Persian nationalism, secularism and constitutionalism. This article, after a brief introduction of the political and historical context of the 19th century, will analyse the political thought of Āḫūndzāde, highlighting some fundamental elements of his ideas and reflections such as enlightenment, nationalism, constitutionalism, the relationship between religion and politics, and the importance of individual liberties and civil rights. Āḫūndzāde was able to combine the Western enlightenment with the Persian pre-Islamic history and identity, creating, for the first time in the Iranian modern history, a new current of thought based on secularism and nationalism. This article will also show how Āḫūndzāde’s thought influenced the political evolution of Persia from the mid of nineteenth century until today, highlighting some important historical events of Persia such as the Constitutional Revolution, Riḍā Šāh’s reign, Muṣaddiq’s government and the political movements of today’s Iranian civil society.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (27) ◽  
pp. 141-161
Author(s):  
YURI COSTA

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar as nuances da relação entre as elites polá­ticas do Maranhão imperial e a Corte instalada no Centro-Sul do paá­s, buscando entender algumas das estratégias utilizadas para que esse tenso relacionamento respeitasse os interesses da Coroa sem deixar de dar vazão a anseios dos grupos polá­ticos locais. Busco, ainda, investigar o cenário polá­tico maranhense da segunda metade do século XIX, que testemunhou uma maior estabilidade no embate entre as facções polá­ticas da prová­ncia, organizadas em torno de dois principais partidos: o Conservador e o Liberal.Palavras-chave:  Maranhão. Século XIX. Grupos polá­ticos. Corte imperial.  SCALES OF POWER:  political groups in Maranhão of nineteenth century and their relationship with the Court of the EmpireAbstract:  the aim of this article is to analyze the nuances of the relationship between the political elites of Maranhão and the Court installed in the Center-South of Brazil, seeking to understand some of the strategies used for this tense relationship complied with the interests of the Crown without help give vent to the desires of the local political groups. I also seek to investigate the political scenario of Maranhão from the second half of the 19th century, which witnessed greater stability in the clash between the political factions in the province, organized around two main parties: the Conservative and the Liberal.Keywords:  Maranhão. The 19th Century. Political groups. Imperial court.  ESCALAS DE PODER: los grupos polá­ticos en Maranhão en el siglo XIX y su relación con la corte del ImperioResumen:  El objetivo de este artá­culo es analizar los matices de la relación entre las élites polá­ticas de Maranhão y la Corte instalada en el Centro-Sur de Brasil, tratando de entender algunas de las estrategias utilizadas para que esta relación tensa respetara los intereses de la Corona sin dejar de dar flujo a los anhelos de los grupos polá­ticos locales. Busco también investigar el escenario polá­tico de Maranhão de la segunda mitad del siglo XIX, que ha atestiguado una mayor estabilidad en el enfrentamiento entre las facciones polá­ticas de la provincia, organizadas alrededor de dos principales partidos: el Conservador y el Liberal.Palabras clave: Maranhão. El siglo XIX. Grupos polá­ticos. Corte Imperial.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-25
Author(s):  
Jerzy Achmatowicz

The present article is trying to find and link the work of the 19th‑century Mexican historiography with the emergence of the national identity of the society of Mexico. Contextualizing this process, the paper recalls the main events of the political scene of a newly independent and sovereign country, also involved in a whole series of international conflicts. The purpose is to find, in the works of Teresa de Mier, Bustamante, Ramírez, Icazbalceta, Paso and Troncoso, Alemán, Orozco and Berra, those contributions that had a relevant impact on the vision of the historical past related to both the independence process and the pre‑Hispanic period, that is, Mesoamerican and colonial history. These contributions are perceived mainly in the rescue of the masterpiece of Fray Bernardino de Sahagún and the confrontation with the foundational narration of both the Creole culture and the indigenous culture that was formed after the conquest, i.e. the miraculous appearance of the Virgin from Guadalupe.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 673-696 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer L. Merolla ◽  
Laura B. Stephenson ◽  
Elizabeth J. Zechmeister

Abstract. This paper examines the usefulness of Canadian political party labels as information shortcuts. We supplement survey data analysis with the results of an experiment that tested whether knowing a party's position on an issue influenced opinion expression. We find that, contrary to findings in other countries, among our subject pool, Canadian political parties are not consistently useful as information cues. The Liberal party cue is hardly useful, and while the Conservative party cue can be effective, it appears to push partisans toward a more liberal stance on selected opinions. Only the NDP cue appears to influence opinions in the expected direction. These mixed findings run counter to foundational works on party labels as information shortcuts (mostly focused on US politics) and, instead, are consistent with previous scholarship on Canadian politics.Résumé. Cet article examine l'utilité des étiquettes politiques des partis canadiens comme sources d'information sommaire. Nous analysons des données d'enquête ainsi que les résultats d'un sondage visant à déterminer si le fait de connaître la position d'un parti sur une question donnée influençait l'expression des opinions. Contrairement aux résultats obtenus dans d'autres pays, nous constatons chez les sujets observés que les étiquettes des partis politiques canadiens ne sont pas uniformément utiles comme sources d'information sommaire. L'étiquette du Parti libéral s'avère à peine utile, tandis que l'étiquette du Parti conservateur, peut-être plus efficace, semble inciter les partisans à une position plus libérale. Seule l'étiquette du NPD semble influencer les avis dans la direction prévue. Ces conclusions mixtes contredisent des travaux fondamentaux sur le même sujet (portant pour la plupart sur la politique aux États-Unis) et confirment plutôt les études antérieures sur la politique canadienne.


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