scholarly journals DIMENSI PEMILU DALAM SISTEM DISTRIK DAN PROPORSIONAL

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-30
Author(s):  
Diyar Ginanjar ◽  
Fauziah Hanifah ◽  
Uu Nurul Huda

The electoral system is regulated in statutory regulations containing three main variables, namely voting, electoral district, and electoral formula. As stated in the Election Law, the objective of the electoral system is to exercise people's sovereignty. A provision which is in line with the universal democratic principle of the rulers directs this goal to build legitimacy for a stable and strong government in mobilizing the masses. democratically Election, namely balancing these operational objectives with their use as a means of fighting for the interests of the people through political participation and political socialization

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zahrotunnimah Zahrotunnimah ◽  
Ida Susilowati

AbstractThe 2019 presidential election has a different political nuance compared to previous elections in Indonesia. Increased political participation in society gave birth to militant political volunteers in each of the paslon camps. As political participation increases, it is undeniable that there are also indications of a black campaign in the 2019 presidential election contestation this year. The issue of communism and the issue of khilafah are examples of the existence of a black campaign that threatens the democratization of elections in Indonesia and even threatens the disintegration of the nation. The following article seeks to find out how black campaigns can develop in Indonesia and the efforts of the government and the community in counteracting black campaigns in elections in Indonesia. Actualization of Pancasila values in the form of legislation was made by the government as an effort to cope with the hoax news circulation. The internationalization of the values of Pancasila in people's lives has an important role as a solution to face the black campaign in the process of democratic political socialization. This is an effort to realize the creation of social justice for all the people of Indonesia, through the realization of a rigorous election.Keywords: Black campaign, communism, Islamic caliphate, political socialization, election democratizationAbstrak Pemilu presiden 2019 memiliki nuansa politik yang berbeda dibanding pemilu-pemilu yang pernah terjadi sebelumnya di Indonesia. Meningkatnya partisipasi politik di masyarakat melahirkan relawan politik yang militan di masing-masing kubu paslon. Seiring meningkatnya partisipasi politik tersebut, tidak dapat dipungkiri meningkat pula indikasi adanya black campaign dalam kontestasi pilpres 2019 tahun ini. Isu komunisme dan isu khilafah menjadi salah satu contoh wujud dari adanya black campaign yang mengancam demokratisasi pemilu di Indonesia bahkan mengancam dis-integrasi bangsa. Artikel berikut berusaha untuk mencari tahu bagaimana black campaign dapat berkembang di Indonesia dan upaya pemerintah serta masyarakat dalam menangkal black campaign pada pemilu di Indonesia. Aktualisasi nilai-nilai Pancasila dalam bentuk perundang-undangan dibuat pemerintah sebagai upaya menanggulangi beredarnya berita hoax. Internasilasi nilai-nilai Pancasila dalam kehidupan masyarakat memiliki peranan cukup penting sebagai solusi menghadapi black campaign dalam proses sosialisasi politik yang demokratis. Hal tersebut sebagai upaya mewujudkan terciptanya keadilan sosial bagi seluruh rakyat Indonesia, melalui realisasi pemilu yang luberjurdil. Kata kunci: Black campaign, komunisme, khilafah islam, sosialisasi politik, demokratisasi pemiluAннотация Президентские выборы 2019 года имеют свои политические особенности по сравнению с предыдущими выборами в Индонезии. Увеличение политического участия в обществe привело к появлению воинствующих политических добровольцев в каждом из оплотов кандидатов. Поскольку участие в политической сфере возрастает, нельзя отрицать, что возрастает также количество приёмов черной кампании в президентских выборах в этом году.  Проблемы коммунизма и халифата являются примерами существования черной кампании, которая угрожает не только демократизации выборов в Индонезии, но и национальной интеграции в целом. В статье рассматриваются пути использования чёрной кампании в Индонезии и существующие государственные и общественные меры по противодействию черной кампании на выборах в Индонезии. Принятие ценностей Панчасилы (пять принципов, лежащих в основе индонезийской модели построения общества “справедливости и процветания”) в форме законодательства было осуществлено правительством для борьбы с распространением ложных новостей. Интернализация ценностей Панчасилы в жизни общества играет важную роль в качестве решения противостоять черной кампании в процессе демократической политической социализации. Это попытка реализовать создание социальной справедливости для всех жителей Индонезии путем осуществления выборов “Luberjurdil” (прямых, публичных, свободных, конфиденциальных, честных и справедливых). Ключевые слова: чёрная кампания, коммунизм, исламский халифат, политическая социализация, демократизация выборов


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivier Klein

This is a pdf of the original typed manuscript of a lecture made in 2006. An annotated English translation will be published by the International Review of Social Psychology. I this text, Moscovici seeks to update his earlier work on the “conspiracy mentality” (1987) by considering the relationships between social representations and conspiracy mentality. Innovation in this field, Moscovici argues, will require a much thorough description and understanding of what conspiracy theories are, what rhetoric they use and what functions they fulfill. Specifically, Moscovici considers conspiracies as a form of counterfactual history implying a more desirable world (in which the conspiracy did not take place) and suggests that social representation theory should tackle this phenomenon. He explicitly links conspiracy theories to works of fiction and suggests that common principles might explain their popularity. Historically, he argues, conspiracism was born twice: First, in the middle ages, when their primary function was to exclude and destroy what was considered as heresy; and second, after the French revolution, to delegitimize the Enlightenment, which was attributed to a small coterie of reactionaries rather than to the will of the people. Moscovici then considers four aspects (“thematas”) of conspiracy mentality: 1/ the prohibition of knowledge; 2/ the duality between the majority (the masses, prohibited to know) and “enlightened” minorities; 3/ the search for a common origin, a “ur phenomenon” that connects historical events and provides a continuity to History (he notes that such a tendency is also present in social psychological theorizing); and 4/ the valorization of tradition as a bulwark against modernity. Some of Moscovici’s insights in this talk have since been borne out by contemporary research on the psychology of conspiracy theories, but many others still remain fascinating potential avenues for future research.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (2) ◽  
pp. 470-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW C. EGGERS ◽  
NICK VIVYAN

Strategic voting is an important explanation for aggregate political phenomena, but we know little about how strategic voting varies across types of voters. Are richer voters more strategic than poorer voters? Does strategic behavior vary with age, education, gender, or political leaning? The answers may be important for assessing how well an electoral system represents different preferences in society. We introduce a new approach to measuring and comparing strategic voting across voters that can be broadly applied, given appropriate survey data. In recent British elections, we find that older voters vote more strategically than younger voters and that richer voters vote more strategically than poorer voters, even as strategic behavior varies little across the education level. The differences in strategic voting by age and income are smaller than observed differences in turnout by age and income, but they tend to exacerbate these better-known inequalities in political participation.


1994 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Guedea

Beginning in 1808 the people started to play a prominent role in the political life of Mexico. This article examines the significant growth of popular political participation in the City of Mexico during the period 1808-1812. In particular, it analyzes the substantial role that the people played in the elections of 1812, a role they would continue to play in the early years of the new nation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shamall Ahmad

The flaws and major flaws in the political systems represent one of the main motives that push the political elite towards making fundamental reforms, especially if those reforms have become necessary matters so that: Postponing them or achieving them affects the survival of the system and the political entity. Thus, repair is an internal cumulative process. It is cumulative based on the accumulated experience of the historical experience of the same political elite that decided to carry out reforms, and it is also an internal process because the decision to reform comes from the political elite that run the political process. There is no doubt that one means of political reform is to push the masses towards participation in political life. Changing the electoral system, through electoral laws issued by the legislative establishment, may be the beginning of political reform (or vice versa), taking into account the uncertainty of the political process, especially in societies that suffer from the decline of democratic values, represented by the processes of election from one cycle to another. Based on the foregoing, this paper seeks to analyze the relationship between the Electoral and political system, in particular, tracking and studying the Iraqi experience from the first parliamentary session until the issuance of the Election Law No. (9) for the year (2020).


2019 ◽  

The article is focused on identifying local and speech strategies (tactics) that are subjected to the global strategy of demagoguery in American political discourse. The article concerns analysis of the definitions and synonyms of the term demagoguery. Such analysis confirmed the appropriateness of considering demagoguery as a specific strategy of political discourse. The results of the research ascertain that the term demagoguery is perceived differently in Ukrainian and English linguistic cultures. Ukrainians perceive demagoguery as a tool for deceiving and manipulation, while Englishmen think of it as of a method of leading a political game and broadening the voter base. The recipients of demagoguery in Ukrainian linguistic culture are uneducated groups of people, while in English linguistic culture the recipient is the people as a whole. Demagoguery as a specific strategy of political discourse is mainly used to influence the electorate through appealing to the feelings, instincts, and prejudices and through forming required political views and preferences. The analysis of the American sociologists’ works enabled us to identify the main features of demagoguery. They are the following: the focus on broadening the audience, using propaganda for manipulating the masses and entertaining character. Analysis of empirical evidence, Donald Trump's thankful speech, which was given at the Republican national convention in 2016, allows us to single out local strategies of demagoguery. The local strategies of demagoguery, which are typical for American political discourse, are the following: populism, manipulation, subjectivation, fascination, and information simplification. Moreover, the article identifies and describes speech tactics that are typical for each local strategy. Among them, there are tactics of empty promises, lies, accusing, ridicule, using slogans, vulgarization, intimidation, and a tactic of finding a scapegoat. The research also concerns analysis of the linguistic means used for the realization of every local strategy and speech tactic. The most frequently used linguistic means are usage of expressive language with positive and negative meaning, repetition, anthroponomy, and subjectivation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Loreto Pinochet

The Great Depression was a decade in the United States which was characterized by high unemployment, budget cuts and low income. Citizens, especially the working class did not have the financial resources to purchase the same amount of goods previous to this economic crisis. The advertising business took this opportunity to sell products to the masses, during a time when purchasing luxury goods were not a priority or even a possibility. This created many changes in how advertisements were produced and how they looked. Using Victor Keppler as an example, this thesis will describe how the advertising agency Lord & Thomas used colour photography for their Lucky Strike cigarette advertisement campaign, the Witnessed Statement Series. It will describe how the colour carbro print became the mass reproduced advertisement found in magazines and newspapers. The thesis will describe this process and the people who were involved in creating the final print advertisement.


Author(s):  
Ihor Oleksiiovych Polishchuk ◽  
Tetiana Mykolaivna Maksimishyna

The article is devoted to the topical problem of political and cultural transformations in the interaction between political power and its only source in democratic discourse, the people. This eternal problem of political science and policy is considered in chronological order in the global context and in today’s Ukraine. In traditional societies, there was a remote and alienated coexistence of state institutions and the masses. The exception was the democratic republics of ancient polises. The modern era generates a contractual theory of the origin of the state, which considers the institutions of power as the result of a social agreement between the sovereign people and the governors. In the modern era in the middle of the twentieth century, the concept of the welfare state was formed. In the postmodern era, unstable life forces citizens to behave in relation to state power, depending on the actualization of a particular guise of their own existence. Citizens are losing a clear, unambiguous idea of state power, its functions, place and role in society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 641-653
Author(s):  
Gennadiy N. Mokshin

This article reconstructs the cultural doctrine of the famous publicist of populism (narodnichestvo), I.I. Kablits (Yuzov). To just equate Kablits views with the slogan of yuzovshchina would be a narrow interpretation of his kul'turnichestvo; the slogan is characteristic for extreme right-wing populism during the upsurge of the revolutionary populist movement (narodovol'cheskoe dvizhenie). In 1880, Kablits was the first of the legal populists to pose the question, What is populism? According to the publicist, true narodnichestvo should be based on the principle that the forms of public life of the people must be in conformity with the development level of their consciousness. The author explains Kablits evolution from Bakunism to a peasant-centered narodnichestvo by his interpretation of the reasons for the split between the intelligentsia and the people. Kablits considered them antagonists, and defined the ultimate goal of the narodniki as the liberation of the people from the power of the intellectualbureaucratic minority, the latter supposedly trying to subjugate the life of the masses to its will. The article analyzes the main provisions of Kablits sociocultural concept of social transformations: apolitism, populism, and the initiative of the masses. The article identifies the differences between his program of developing the cultural identity of the people, on the one hand, and other populists' understanding of the tasks of cultural work, on the other. Particular attention is paid to Kablits-Yuzov's attitude towards the problem of educating the masses. Kablits was one of the few Russian populists who opposed the idea that the foundations of the worldview of the people must be changed, arguing that this would eliminate the traditional moral values of the village, including the sense of collectivism. The author assesses how Kablits, the leading publicist of the newspaper Nedelya, contributed to the establishment of a cultural direction in narodnichestvo at the turn of the 1870s and 1880s. According to the author, Kablits played a leading role in shaping the ideology of the right flank of the cultural direction in narodnichestvo. However, the pure populism of Kablits turned out to be too pseudo-scientific, dogmatic and irrational to attract the democratic intelligentsia for a long time; the latter had already become disillusioned with the idea of the people as the creator of new forms of social life.


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