scholarly journals “Russian History Should Be Written by Russians, Why Are Hungarians Interfering?”: A Microhistoriographical Study

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gyula Szvák

This article is based on the discussion (mock defense) of Key Issues of Russia’s Annexation of Siberia in the Late 16th – 17th Centuries in Russian and Soviet Historiography (The Development of the Concept of the Trans-Urals’ Entry into the Muscovy State), the PhD thesis by Sándor Szili, a young Hungarian historian (supervised by R. G. Skrynnikov). The discussion took place at the department of Russian history at St Petersburg State University in the summer of 1992 and resulted in a devastating critique of the dissertation. This ordinary event is presented and analysed in the broad context of the global political changes associated with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the socialist camp. The author recreates the atmosphere of uncertainty, deprivation, loss of life guidelines, and radical change in values that dominated both in Hungary and in post-Soviet Russia. The destruction of the habitual way of life of tens of millions of people and the catastrophic breakdown on a geopolitical scale could not but affect the state of historical studies. The theoretical and methodological vacuum formed as a result of the collapse of Marxist-Leninist ideology and the feeling of catastrophe, the death of the nation and the state, caused a reaction among some historians in the form of a bizarre mixture of neo-imperial, radical communist, and xenophobic views on the historical process and their awareness of Russia’s role and place in that process. The author demonstrates that the bearers of such views set the tone for the discussion of the dissertation. Even though it is not devoid of many shortcomings, at another time and in another place the dissertation could have well been presented for defense. This is evinced by very calm and constructive external feedback received from well-known specialists who were not members of the department. But in the process of public discussion the scholarly debate turned into politicised criticism from the very beginning, and the PhD candidate had no allies. The situation took on a paradoxical character: having got rid of the shackles of the dominant ideology, the participants in the discussion behaved much more harshly and irreconcilably than during the Soviet “stagnation”. The story described in the article is a vivid concrete manifestation of the crisis of Russian historical studies, which had to be overcome between the late 1980s and 1990s.

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles J. Halperin

In his book An Attempt at Microhistoriography (Rus. Опыт микроисториографии), Gyula Szvák, an outstanding Hungarian specialist in Russian history, republishes seven of his earlier articles and presents a previously unpublished eighth article on the Soviet historiography of the key issues of 16th-century Russian history. The articles consider Ivan Peresvetov’s works, reforms and oprichnina between the middle and second half of the sixteenth century; also, they compare the reigns and personalities of Ivan the Terrible and Peter the Great. Additionally, the author explores the personal stories of his mentors, Russian historian Ruslan Skrynnikov and Hungarian József Perényi. The book reviewed presents a kind of panorama of two historiographic traditions of studying the Russian Middle Ages in the Soviet Union and Hungary before the collapse of the communist regime there. The author returns to the peculiarities of Russia’s historical development and comprehension of the concept of “Russian feudalism” and reflects on the fate of historians who were engaged in the study of mediaeval Russia under rigid ideological principles.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Allyson S. Edwards

Scholars of Boris Yeltsin’s Russia argue that it was a period of demilitarisation. Research largely focuses on militarisation in terms of its physical dimensions and by investigating subjects, individuals and institutions with a direct link to the military. These scholars instead attribute the success of Russian militarism in the post-Soviet period to Vladimir Putin. However, this is not entirely the case. This thesis challenges the assumption that the collapse of the Soviet Union constituted a break in the militarisation of society, arguing that the focus of current literature is too narrow to provide a comprehensive understanding of Russian militarism at this time. Instead, the research investigates Russian militarisation during the 1990s through a cultural lens by examining the prominent discourses across four societal domains: media, education; social welfare; and commemoration. Two discourses of a militaristic nature prevailed, including the moral obligation and civic duty of Russian people to protect the fatherland, and Russia as a besieged fortress. These narratives underpin Russian identity and have contributed towards the survival of Russian militarism beyond regime change. The thesis examines political documents, including laws, notes and letters, from the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the Yeltsin Centre, Russian newspapers and Russian school historical textbooks from the Russian State Library to answer the following questions: what top-down mechanisms militarise society? What discourses are prominent in the four societal domains and in what way do they contribute towards the militarisation of society? How do the discourses within the different societal domains fit into (and add to) current literature on the state of militarism and militarisation in Post-Soviet Russia? The thesis found that the rituals of the Putin era were rooted in Yeltsin’s Russia, and that through a cultural lens, societal militarisation can be seen to persist without a strong military apparatus.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-382 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ahmed Abdel-Hafez Fawaz

Czarist Russia, the Soviet Union and Post-Soviet Russia had a history of relations with their Muslims that varied between integration or coexistence and resistance or conflict. Russia had perpetually reaffirmed that its war in Chechnya in the 1990s was not against Muslims per se, but rather against terrorist groups that were attempting to disseminate their radical ideas in the Muslim Chechen Republic as well as throughout the other republics of the North Caucasus. From their standpoint Chechen fighters described the struggle as a new round of Russian efforts to bury Chechen demands for independence. Nevertheless, this historical experience of struggle also coincided with periods of peaceful coexistence witnessed in other regions such as the Volga and Ural River Basin. Thus, the question remains: what of the contemporary challenges faced by the Muslims of Russia in their relations with the state and their relations among themselves? This research seeks to answer the following questions: How is it that religious and sectarian tolerance came to predominate in Tatarstan but regressed in Chechnya and Dagestan? Why have relations between Sufis and Salafists been subject to increasing tensions in the North Caucasus? Do the tensions witnessed in Dagestan and Chechnya reflect a genuine sectarian struggle or is the matter more complicated than that? How has the Russian media impacted – positively or negatively – ethnic and sectarian relations within the state?


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-72
Author(s):  
Paweł Czubik

The article discusses the selected issues of Polish consular law and practice in the period 1918-1939. The complicated interwar political situation had a direct impact on the practice of Polish consular offices. The consular relations with the Germans were particularly difficult. The enormous scale of the political problems in the Polish-German relations increased particularly during the years 1933-1939. The efficiency of consular intervention in favour of Polish citizens was insignificant. The relations with Soviet Russia were even more difficult. In the interwar period, Poland was the only country to have a consular convention signed with the Soviet state. The convention was considered to be very innovative with regard to immunities and privileges. However, the Soviets did not feel obligated by the treaties signed. As a result, Polish consuls and diplomats had no knowledge of the scale of the tragedy of the Polish population in the Soviet Union i.e. mass genocide committed by the NKVD in 1938. The exercise of consular functions, in this case, was practically impossible. The paper demonstrates that regardless of the difficult experiences with the neighbours, Poland after the rebirth of the statehood constructed a professional consular service, which performed its legal and supportive tasks. Consular functions were also successfully pursued by numerous Polish honorary consuls. International consular law explicitly provides the activity of honorary consuls. However, the performance of these activities depends on the consent of both interested parties – sending and receiving State. In the interwar period, this institution was very popular in international practice. It was practised simultaneously with the so-called ‘etatisation’ of honorary consulates. In Polish honorary consular offices, such a solution was very common. The article indicates that Polish law and consular practice in the interwar period was characterised by a modern approach to supportive and protective activities regarding the citizens. To a limited degree, Poland also provided consular activities for the citizens of the Free City of Danzig, which usually caused practical difficulties. Only exceptionally, the consuls would act for the citizens of other countries (in favorem tertii).


2012 ◽  
pp. 96-114
Author(s):  
L. Tsedilin

The article analyzes the pre-revolutionary and the Soviet experience of the protectionist policies. Special attention is paid to the external economic policy during the times of NEP (New Economic Policy), socialist industrialization and the years of 1970-1980s. The results of the state monopoly on foreign trade and currency transactions in the Soviet Union are summarized; the economic integration in the frames of Comecon is assessed.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Inggs

This article investigates the perceived image of English-language children's literature in Soviet Russia. Framed by Even-Zohar's polysystem theory and Bourdieu's philosophy of action, the discussion takes into account the ideological constraints of the practice of translation and the manipulation of texts. Several factors involved in creating the perceived character of a body of literature are identified, such as the requirements of socialist realism, publishing practices in the Soviet Union, the tradition of free translation and accessibility in the translation of children's literature. This study explores these factors and, with reference to selected examples, illustrates how the political and sociological climate of translation in the Soviet Union influenced the translation practices and the field of translated children's literature, creating a particular image of English-language children's literature in (Soviet) Russia.


1995 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-321 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Jabara Carley

2020 ◽  
pp. 245-265
Author(s):  
Арсен Артурович Григорян

Цель данной статьи - описать условия, в которых Армянская Апостольская Церковь вступила в эпоху правления Н. С. Хрущёва, начавшуюся в 1953 г. По содержанию статью можно поделить на две части: в первой даются сведения о количестве приходов на территории Советского Союза и за его пределами, а также о составе армянского духовенства в СССР; во второй излагаются проблемы, существовавшие внутри Армянской Церкви, и рассматриваются их причины. Методы исследования - описание и анализ. Ценность исследования заключается в использовании ранее неопубликованных документов Государственного архива Российской Федерации и Национального архива Армении. По итогам изучения фактического материала выделяются основные проблемы Армянской Апостольской Церкви на 1953 г.: финансовый дефицит, конфликт армянских католикосатов и стремление враждующих СССР и США использовать церковь в своих политических целях. The purpose of this article is to describe the conditions in which the Armenian Apostolic Church entered the epoch of the reign of N. S. Khrushchev, which began in 1953. The article can be divided into two parts: first one gives information about the number of parishes in the territory of the Soviet Union and beyond, and about the structure of the Armenian clergy in the USSR; the second one sets out the problems that existed in the Armenian Church and discusses their causes. Research methods - description and analysis. The value of the study lies in the use of previously unpublished documents of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the National Archive of Armenia. Based on the results of studying the materials, the main problems of the Armenian Apostolic Church in 1953 are: financial deficit, the conflict of Armenian Catholicosates and the eagerness of USSR and the USA, that feuded with each other, to use the Сhurch for their political purposes.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-123
Author(s):  
Catherine Schuler

A war of history and memory over the Great Patriotic War (WWII) between the Soviet Union and Germany has been raging in Vladimir Putin’s Russia for almost two decades. Putin’s Kremlin deploys all of the mythmaking machinery at its disposal to correct narratives that demonize the Soviet Union and reflect badly on post-Soviet Russia. Victory Day, celebrated annually on 9 May with parades, concerts, films, theatre, art, and music, plays a crucial role in disseminating the Kremlin’s counter narratives.


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