scholarly journals Features of US Geostrategy in the Third World (50’s – First Half of the 60’s of the XX Сentury)

2020 ◽  
pp. 9-23
Author(s):  
Dmytro Lakishyk
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Third World ◽  
Technical Assistance ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Control Area ◽  
Striking Similarity ◽  
Main Task ◽  
Gulf Region ◽  
Major Powers

The main tendency of the postwar world order was the absence of direct military conflicts between major powers and the division of the world into two military-political blocs.These entities brought together countries that differed in ideology and socio-economic structure. In the context of this conflicting confrontation, third world countries have become the arena of mediated rivalry. The confrontation took place in order to increase the area of influence in developing countries by engaging them in some form of socio-economic and political system. The most striking similarity can be seen in the development of the divided nations of Korea, China, Vietnam, in the Indo-Pakistan conflict. In the event of such contradictions, it is possible not to claim the conflict between superpowers and third world countries, but about the involvement or intervention of major powers in internal or interstate conflicts. During the second half of the 1940s – early 1960s, the main task of US administrations was to create a «power ring» around the Soviet control area, to maintain its functioning and further strengthening it. Initially, its line ran in Europe, then in East Asia, and later expanded to the Middle East, with adequate security in the form of US military bases and military-political blocs. By pursuing a policy of containment and extending its line throughout the periphery of Eurasia, the United States was increasingly confronted with the effects of the collapse of the colonial empires and forced, in one form or another, to fill the vacuum of emerging power. At the same time, geopolitical considerations played a major role in this process. The first attempt at an integrated response to the needs of underdeveloped countries was President G. Truman’s Point Four programm, which provided them with technical assistance. In the 1950s, US geostrategic priorities changed: Europe retained its importance, but more attention was paid to Southeast Asia and the Middle East. During this period, the strengthening of US positions in the Gulf region – the most important strategic point in terms of both oil resources and geographical location – began.

Security issues in the Middle East: the present challenges and threats

2021 ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Wissal Werfelli
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Mutual Influence ◽  
International System ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Global Changes ◽  
Gulf Region ◽  
International Environment

The article analyzes the issue of the Middle East security. The Arab countries are facing a lot of regional threats and a fundamental shift in the regional security system, which has become one of the basic variables for the Middle East through the transition to a new form of regional and international interactions. The existence of mutual influences between the nature of the international system and the regional order of the Middle East and the Gulf region is already considered as an incubator for all intractable conflicts and crises.  We cannot study the concept of regional security in separate from the global effects and repercussions. After the end of the Cold War and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the structural transformations and global changes led to the emergence of profound changes in the international system, which resulted in the restructuring of the general features of the international environment.  The international transformation is marked by the fact that the new world order increased the chances of emergence of new international powers in both Europe and Asia, whether countries or major economic or political blocs trying to establish a multi-polar international order, which prompted the United States to pursue a policy of cooperation with competing powers.  And in light of this international environment, it was natural for the regions of strategic importance, particularly the Middle East, to be affected because they were linked to relations of mutual influence with the international system, as international balances affect regional balances.

scholarly journals O papel das estratégias norte-americanas para as rupturas paradigmáticas na orientação da Política Externa jordaniana na segunda metade do século XX/The role of U.S. strategies for the paradigmatic changes in Jordanian foreign policy

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 186-216
Author(s):  
Leonardo Luiz Silveira Da Silva
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Middle East ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
War Of Independence

Resumo: A descolonização do Oriente Médio que originou novos Estados na região da Bacia do rio Jordão, coincide temporalmente com um novo arranjo da ordem mundial que se reorganizava no período pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. A trajetória da política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX é extremamente didática para entendermos os efeitos das relações de poder entre as nações em âmbito regional e global para a mudança de comportamento dos Estados que praticavam políticas anti-hegemônicas. Nesta trajetória destaca-se a intensa disputa pelos escassos recursos hídricos regionais, à medida que o recurso é fundamental para o desenvolvimento das atividades econômicas e para a própria soberania do Estado. Na já distante década de 1950, poucos anos após o conflito da Guerra de Independência que opôs Israel e os Estados árabes vizinhos, a Jordânia passou a adotar uma postura intransigente em relação à aproximação com Israel, apesar dos esforços dos Estados Unidos para promover a estabilidade regional. Com o acordo de paz entre Egito e Israel, mediado pelos Estados Unidos e costurado na virada das décadas de 1970 e 1980, o tabu da oposição sistemática a Israel foi rompido. Desta forma, este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar as mudanças na política externa da Jordânia na segunda metade do século XX, associando estas mudanças às novas estratégias norte-americanas para região, permitindo a compreensão das novas formas de imperialismo que dominam o cenário do Oriente Médio desde a década de 1970.Palavras-Chave: Jordânia, Estados Unidos, Israel, políticas anti-hegemônicas. Abstract: The decolonization of the Middle East that originated in the new states of the Jordan Basin region coincides temporally with a new arrangement of the world order, which is rearranged in the post - World War II period. The trajectory of the Jordanian foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century is extremely didactic to understand the effects of power relations between nations on a regional and global level to the changing behavior of States which practiced anti - hegemonic politics. On this path there is the intense competition for scarce regional water resources, as the feature is essential for the development of economic activities and the very sovereignty of the state. In the distant 1950s, a few years after the conflict of the War of Independence which opposed Israel and neighboring Arab states, Jordan adopted an uncompromising stance towards rapprochement with Israel, despite U.S. efforts to promote peace in the region. With the peace agreement between Egypt and Israel, brokered by the United States and sewn at the turn of the 1970s and 1980s, the pattern of systematic opposition to Israel was broken. This paper aims to present the changes in Jordan's foreign policy in the second half of the twentieth century, linking these changes to the new US strategy for the region, allowing the understanding of new forms of imperialism which dominate the Middle East scenario since the decade 1970.Keywords: Jordan, United States, Israel, anti - hegemonic politics.

Surveying the Revolutionary Arc

2011 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-325
Author(s):  
Guy Laron
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Third World ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Population ◽  
Skilled Workers ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The Cold War

In the last decade, influenced by current economic trends, Cold War historians have made an effort to de-center the story of the Cold War. They have shifted their gaze from the center of the conflict—the face-offs in Europe between the Soviet Union and the United States—and cast an observing eye on the Third World. Unlike many Middle East historians who seek to understand the Middle East in terms of its unique cultures, languages, and religions, Cold War historians treat that area as part of a revolutionary arc that stretched from the jungles of Latin America to the jungles of Vietnam. Rather than emphasizing the region's singularity, they focus on the themes that united guerilla fighters in the West Bank and the Makong Delta as well as leaders from Havana to Damascus: anticolonial and anti-imperial struggles, the yearning for self-definition, and the fight against what Third World revolutionaries perceived as economic exploitation. The sudden interest in what was considered, until recently, the periphery of the Cold War has undoubtedly been fueled by the zeitgeist of a new century in which the so-called peripheral regions are set to become more dominant economically. Southeast and Southwest Asia, Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East have a surplus of young skilled workers who are increasingly in demand by the global economy as the growth of world population slows and more prosperous countries in West Europe and North America are graying fast. The Third World consists today of the very regions where most of the economic growth in coming decades will take place. Dependency theory has gone topsy-turvy: leading economists now look with hope at countries such as China, India, Turkey, and Egypt and expect them to become the new engines of global growth. It is not surprising, then, that historians are now taking a stronger interest in the tangled history of the Cold War in the Third World and discovering the agency that these countries always had.

On Interdependence

1981 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-41
Author(s):  
Mohamed Sid-Ahmed
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
Third World ◽  
World Order ◽  
Productive Capacity ◽  
Just World ◽  
The West ◽  
World Government ◽  
Corporate Capital ◽  
The North

This essay explores the crisis of global interdependence that has arisen from competing North-South perceptions of interdependence and from inequitable relations among Third World and industrialized states of the North. Illustrating the general features of the crisis through a case study of the Middle East, the author argues that techniques of economic, political and cultural cooptation have been used by the West to foster a form of interdependence that is of primary benefit to wealthier segments of the global community. To the degree that some Third World states (notably Egypt) now identify with the West, this strategy has been successful. However, the costs to world order are considerable. As they become more integrated into Western-dominated networks of “interdependence,” Third World states face intensifying social contradictions that cannot be resolved through socialist or other noncapitalist strategies. Redress of these problems requires a new legal category of ownership – internationalized property – under which corporate capital, power, and productive capacity would be transferred from the predominant domain of the North to a commonwealth of world states. This basis for world authority would avoid the side– and counter-effects associated with world government and would provide the foundation for a more just world order.

scholarly journals American strategic performance towards Middle East in the era of president Trump - A future study

2018 ◽  
pp. 327-370
Author(s):  
م.د.محمد ميسر فتحي
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
Strategic Performance ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
United State ◽  
Middle East Countries ◽  
American Hegemony ◽  
Future Vision

Abstract The strategic performance of the United States depends on dealing with the Middle East countries and its variants on several bases and motives that enabled them to achieve American hegemony and invest its interests at the expense of the region countries. Within this performance, the administration of the United State President Donald Trump presented the Strategic Document on December 18, 2017, which focused on the principle of "America First", to determine the direction of future US strategic performance in the formulation of means of cooperation and intersections or hostility in addition to interests and threats.The future vision of the Arab region and the Middle East as a whole, this strategy is based on the fact that it did not include any American commitment to promoting peace and stability in the world, especially the Middle East. According to that, American strategic performance will be directed towards multiple policies, including the policy of axes and crisis-making rather than resolving it and preventing stability for the preoccupation of major powers that seek to safeguard their interests and limit sovereignty or hegemony of the United State over the region.

scholarly journals Common Security: Can It Be Reinvented?

2021 ◽  
pp. 40-42
Author(s):  
Alexey Gromyko ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Real Risk ◽  
The Us ◽  
Wrong Direction ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Common Security

In 2021 it is impossible to neglect the fact that our world is moving in a totally wrong direction. Differences between the United States and China are becoming one of the fundamental elements of major powers' competition. Some experts believe that confrontation between the US and China will result in a new edition of bipolarity. Others maintain that the rivalry between the world's two leading economies is a bilateral conflict and cannot evolve into a bipolar world order similar to that of the Cold War. In any case, US-China military tensions are a major risk. These tensions are a time bomb. There is a real risk of a dangerous escalation over Taiwan.

China, Russia, and Twenty-First Century Global Geopolitics

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J. Bolt ◽  
Sharyl N. Cross
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
First Century ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Energy Trade ◽  
Common Interests ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Relationship

This book provides a comprehensive analysis of the Chinese–Russian bilateral relationship, grounded in a historical perspective, and discusses the implications of the partnership between these two major powers for world order and global geopolitics. The volume compares the national worldviews, priorities, and strategic visions for the Chinese and Russian leadership, examining several aspects of the relationship in detail. The energy trade is the most important component of economic ties, although both sides desire to broaden trade and investments. In the military realm, Russia sells advanced arms to China, and the two countries engage in regular joint exercises. Diplomatically, these two Eurasian powers take similar approaches to conflicts in Ukraine and Syria, and also cooperate on non-traditional security issues, including preventing colored revolutions, cyber management, and terrorism. These issue areas illustrate four themes. Russia and China have common interests that cement their partnership, including security, protecting authoritarian institutions, and reshaping aspects of the global order. They are key players challenging the United States and the Western liberal order, influencing not only regional issues, but also international norms and institutions. Nevertheless, Western nations remain important for China and Russia. Both seek better relations with the West, but on the basis of “mutual respect” and “equality.” Lastly, Russia and China have frictions in their relationship, and not all of their interests overlap. While the relationship has grown, particularly since 2014, China and Russia are partners but not allies.

Relations between Nicaragua and the Socialist Countries

1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 111-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rubén Berrios
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Third World ◽  
Technical Assistance ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
Economic Assistance ◽  
Commercial Activity

Since the Late 1960s, due to détente and rising nationalism in Latin America, the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries have succeeded in expanding diplomatic relations with most countries in the Western Hemisphere (Blasier, 1984; Fichet, 1981). For an increasing number of Third World nations, the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) countries of Eastern Europe have become a source of trade, credits, technical assistance and political support. Hence, many Third World countries view CMEA agreements as a means of strengthening their negotiating position vis-á-vis the United States and other developed countries. In turn, the CMEA countries have stepped up their commercial activity irrespective of the nature of the governments of the recipient countries. In the case of Latin America, CMEA ability to provide such funding is restrained by their own economic limitations, by geographical distance and by the shortage of foreign exchange. These factors discourage risky commitments in a region that is peripheral to essential security concerns of the CMEA countries.

Super Strong Versus Group Strong Countries: China’s Role in Development and Changing World Pattern

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-3) ◽  
pp. 39-51
Author(s):  
Liu Hongfei ◽  
Tian Guang ◽  
Kathy Tian
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Current Situation ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Versus Group ◽  
The World ◽  
The Future ◽  
Peace And Development ◽  
Changing World

China’s national strength alone does not ensure its position as a “world leader” or a “competent leader.” It would be prudent for China to consider the international situation. The question arises, “Will China become a super strong or a member of group strong or are we seeing a reversal to the bipolar era?” This article explores the role China can play in the development and change in the world order. Will China police the world along with the United States. The article discusses the background of the super strong and the group strong; how the country could evolve into a “group of strong.” Furthermore, it analyzes the current situation of the world pattern and presents the outlook for the future. Results indicate that peace and development are current themes, and the pattern of future world would depend on the gambling stratagem among the major powers.

Abstract 16240: Knowledge of Clinical Presentation and Diagnostic Pathways for Cardiac Amyloidosis Among Physicians in the Middle East-Gulf Region: on Behalf of the Gulf Cardiac Amyloidosis Working Group

Circulation ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 142 (Suppl_3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Firas Al Badarin ◽  
Juwairia Al Ali ◽  
Feras Bader ◽  
Abdulla M Shehab ◽  
Said AlSaid ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Heart Failure ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Cardiac Amyloidosis ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Severe Aortic Stenosis ◽  
Signs And Symptoms ◽  
The United States ◽  
Low Flow ◽  
Patient Identification ◽  
Gulf Region

Background: There is a growing interest in raising awareness about amyloidosis as an under-recognized cause of heart failure and preserved ejection fraction (HFpEF). Recently, the prevalence of cardiac amyloidosis in the United States has increased, which may partly be attributed to initiatives from major professional societies aimed to improve patient identification and disease detection. Whether this has also impacted physicians’ knowledge about cardiac amyloidosis in the Middle East-Gulf region is unknown but critical to assess, as it would identify a need for dedicated regional educational activities. Methods: Physicians practicing in 5 Gulf countries (UAE, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman and Kuwait) were invited to participate in this anonymous, online survey by receiving a unique survey link by email. We assessed awareness of cardiac amyloidosis, knowledge of disease manifestations and approach to diagnosis. Responses to the survey were recorded using a 4- or 5-point Likert scale. Results: A total of 272 physicians participated in the survey. Most participating physicians were men (82%) and have been practicing cardiology (71%) for >10 years (65%). Whereas 83% of responders considered themselves to be somewhat or extremely familiar with signs and symptoms of cardiac amyloidosis, only 63% would consider cardiac amyloidosis as a cause of HFpEF, 59% would consider it in patients with heart failure and orthostatic hypotension while only 39% consider cardiac amyloidosis in patients with low-flow, low-gradient severe aortic stenosis. Furthermore, cardiac MRI was found to be useful for diagnosis of cardiac amyloidosis by 92% of responders, while echocardiography, cardiac scintigraphy with bone-seeking radiotracers and biomarkers were felt to be useful by only 81%, 60% and 31% of survey participants, respectively. Conclusion: Despite perceived familiarity with cardiac amyloidosis among a group of mid-career cardiologists, there is need to raise awareness about the heterogenous manifestations of the disease and about the respective roles of testing modalities in making this diagnosis.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document