scholarly journals Religious conflict and regional autonomy in church establishment and Islamic clothing in West Pasaman and Dharmasraya West Sumatera

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Nunu Burhanuddin ◽  
Ahmad Ali Nurdin ◽  
Muhammad Irfan Helmy

This paper analyses how religious minorities in West Pasaman and Dharmasraya have been disturbed by the implementation of regional autonomy policies. By examining the church establishment and Islamic clothing enactment in the region as case studies, the paper shows that the conflicts between Muslims and Christians were caused by the discriminatory regional regulations against minority groups. This study uses an ethnographic approach, consisting of interviews and extensive observational research in the research site to collect the data. The article argues that the implementation of local government policies such as the very strict requirement to establish church and Islamic clothing regulations for students have negative impacts on the harmonious relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims in the region. Thus, local government officers should take into consideration minority and majority-group relationships in creating regional religious regulations. Penelitian ini menganalisa bagaimana kaum minoritas agama di Pasaman Barat dan Dharmasraya terusik dengan implementasi kebijakan otonomi daerah. Dengan mengkaji aturan pendirian gereja dan busana Islami sebagai kasusnya, artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa konflik yang terjadi antara Muslim dan Kristen di daerah tersebut disebabkan karena regulasi otonomi daerah yang bersipat diskriminatif bagi kalangan kaum minoritas. Studi ini menggunakan metode etnografi dengan menggunakan wawancara dan observasi yang ekstensif di lokasi penelitian sebagai teknik pengumpulan data. Peneliti berargumen bahwa penerapan kebijakan pemerintahan lokal seperti ketatnya persyaratan membangun rumah ibadah (gereja) dan aturan kewajiban memakai busana Islam bagi pelajar mempunyai implikasi negatif terhadap hubungan antara Muslim dan non-Muslim di daerah tersebut. Karenanya, pemerintah daerah harus berhati hati dan mempertimbangkan hubungan kelompok minoritas-mayoritas dalam membuat aturan daerah yang berhubungan dengan agama.

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 373-390
Author(s):  
Enggar Wijayanto ◽  
Wahidul Halim ◽  
Faiq Tobroni

Sometimes when a permit for house of worship is revoked in one religion, the issue that arises is intolerance from the majority religious interest groups towards minorities. This kind of impression has also been heard when there was a church license revocation in Bantul, where there was a narrative that the Muslim majority group was intolerant towards Christian minority groups. This research found that the revocation of the permit for places of worship was legality under statutory regulations, which in this case it is the Bantul Regent Regulation. Although indeed it is debatable. But at the very least, the use of state law as a consideration for revoking a religious place of worship is a strategy to avoid prolonged inter-religious conflict.


2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Edward Hutagalung

The fi nancial relationship between central and local government can be defi ned as a system that regulates how some funds were divided among various levels of government as well as how to fi ndsources of local empowerment to support the activities of the public sector.Fiscal decentralization is the delegation of authority granted by the central government to theregions to make policy in the area of   fi nancial management.One of the main pillars of regional autonomy is a regional authority to independently manage thefi nancial area. State of Indonesia as a unitary state of Indonesia adheres to a combination of elementsof recognition for local authorities to independently manage fi nances combined with the element oftransferring fi scal authority and supervision of the fi scal policy area.General Allocation Fund an area allocated on the basis of the fi scal gap and basic allocation whilethe fi scal gap is reduced by the fi scal needs of local fi scal capacity. Fiscal capacity of local sources offunding that comes from the area of   regional revenue and Tax Sharing Funds outside the ReforestationFund.The results showed that the strengthening of local fi scal capacity is in line with regional autonomy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 215013272110183
Author(s):  
Azza Sarfraz ◽  
Zouina Sarfraz ◽  
Alanna Barrios ◽  
Kuchalambal Agadi ◽  
Sindhu Thevuthasan ◽  
...  

Background: Health disparities have become apparent since the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic. When observing racial discrimination in healthcare, self-reported incidences, and perceptions among minority groups in the United States suggest that, the most socioeconomically underrepresented groups will suffer disproportionately in COVID-19 due to synergistic mechanisms. This study reports racially-stratified data regarding the experiences and impacts of different groups availing the healthcare system to identify disparities in outcomes of minority and majority groups in the United States. Methods: Studies were identified utilizing PubMed, Embase, CINAHL Plus, and PsycINFO search engines without date and language restrictions. The following keywords were used: Healthcare, raci*, ethnic*, discriminant, hosti*, harass*, insur*, education, income, psychiat*, COVID-19, incidence, mortality, mechanical ventilation. Statistical analysis was conducted in Review Manager (RevMan V.5.4). Unadjusted Odds Ratios, P-values, and 95% confidence intervals were presented. Results: Discrimination in the United States is evident among racial groups regarding medical care portraying mental risk behaviors as having serious outcomes in the health of minority groups. The perceived health inequity had a low association to the majority group as compared to the minority group (OR = 0.41; 95% CI = 0.22 to 0.78; P = .007), and the association of mental health problems to the Caucasian-American majority group was low (OR = 0.51; 95% CI = 0.45 to 0.58; P < .001). Conclusion: As the pandemic continues into its next stage, efforts should be taken to address the gaps in clinical training and education, and medical practice to avoid the recurring patterns of racial health disparities that become especially prominent in community health emergencies. A standardized tool to assess racial discrimination and inequity will potentially improve pandemic healthcare delivery.


2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
Author(s):  
Umilhair Alting ◽  
Winston Pontoh ◽  
I Gede Suwetja

Fiscal decentralization is one the major component of the decentralization implementation of regional autonomy. As the new beginning in regional development and the people in managing the resources or all of the potential to the prosperity and the progress of region. Financial aspect is one of the basic criteria to find out the real capability regional government in managing their autonomy system (household system) the capability of regional government in managing their financial can be seen in APBD which describes the capability of local government in financing the activities of development task and equity in each region. The purpose of this research is to determine the financial capability of Tidore in regional autonomy especially in 2013-2017 judging by ratio of independency, decentralization fiscal degree, growth ratio. This research used observation, interview and documentation to collect the data. The data was analyzed using qualitative and quantitative data with described analysis. The result showed that the independence ratio of Tidore has been able to improve its financial capability. The degree of decentralization is still highly dependent on the central government, although it has been increasing year by year. Growth rate fluctuated this indicates the local government of Tidore is not too concerned with regional development and community welfare.Keywords: regional autonomy, ratio of independency, The degree of decentralization ratio, Growth ratio.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dicky Dwi Wibowo ◽  
Agus Tinus

Abstract: The regional government is at the forefront of sustainable development. Through policies issued by local governments can help improve the quality of education at the Madrasah level. The study aims to describe 1) a comparison of education policies by the Nganjuk Regional Government. 2) The authority of education policy providers by the Nganjuk regional government. 3) positive and negative impacts of the comparison of government policies on the implementation of Madrasah education. This research uses qualitative research with a descriptive-analytic approach. Data collection techniques are done using observation, interviews, and documents. Data analysis of the results of the study was carried out by data reduction, data presentation, and concluding (data verification). The results of the study show that (1) Problems and comparisons of educational policies namely regarding the qualifications of the establishment of schools and madrasas, and differences in the admission schedule for new students that are still not aligned between the Education Office and the Nganjuk Ministry of Religion Office due to the centralization and decentralization of the government system. (2) The authority exercised by the Education Office and the Regional People's Representative Assembly Commission 4 does not affect Madrasas (3) The positive impact is that madrasas can choose students who are superior and can meet the ceiling set by the government. The negative impact is that madrasas are said to be a factor in merging schools and the lack of local government attention to madrasas.Keywords: School, Madrasa, Educational Policy, Local Government Abstrak: Pemerintah daerah menjadi ujung tombak dalam pembangunan yang berkelanjutan. Melalui kebijakan yang dikeluarkan pemerintah daerah dapat membantu peningkatkan mutu penyelenggaraan pendidikan di tingkat Madrasah. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan tentang1) perbandingan kebijakan pendidikan oleh Pemerintah Daerah NganjukDalam Penyelenggaraan Pendidikan Madrasah. 2) Kewenangan penyelenggara kebijakan pendidikanMadrasah oleh pemerintah daerah Nganjuk.3) dampak positif dan negatif dari perbandingan kebijakan pemerintah terhadap penyelenggaraan pendidikan Madrasah. Penelitian ini menggunakan jenis penelitian kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif-analitik. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan menggunakan observasi, wawancara serta dokumen. Analisis data hasil penelitian dilakukan dengan reduksi data, penyajian data, dan penarikan kesimpulan (verifikasi data). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa (1) Permasalahan dan perbandingan kebijakan pendidikan yaitu mengenai kualifikasi jarak pendirian sekolah dan madrasah, dan perbedaan jadwal penerimaan siswa baru yang masih belum selaras antara Dinas Pendidikan dan Kantor Kementerian Agama Nganjuk dikarenakan sentralisasi dan desentralisasi sistem pemerintahan. (2) Kewenagan yang dilakukan Dinas Pendidikan dan DPRD Komisi 4 tdak berpengaruh kepada Madrasah (3) Dampak positif yaitu madrasah mampu memilih siswa yang unggul dan bisa memenuhi pagu yang telah ditentukan oleh pemerintah. Dampak negatinya adalah madrasah dikatakan sebagai faktor penggabungan sekolah dan masih kurangnya perhatian pemerintah daerah terhadap madrasah.Kata kunci: Sekolah, Madrasah, Kebijakan Pendidikan, Pemerintah Daerah


2015 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 183-211
Author(s):  
Trond Bjerkås

From the Stage of State Power to Representative Assembly?: The Visitation as a Public Arena, 1750–1850In the eighteenth century, the bishops’ visitations to dioceses constituted an important part of the control apparatus of the Church and the absolutist state. The article examines visitations in Norway in terms of public arenas, where the common people interacted with Church officials. During the period 1750 to 1850, the visitations were gradually transformed from arenas in which the state manifested its power towards a largely undifferentiated populace, to meeting places that resembled representative assemblies with both clerical and common lay members. Thus, it adapted to new forms of public participation established by the reforms of national and local government in the first half of the nineteenth century. At the same time, the process amounted to an elitization, because a few representatives replaced of the congregation as a whole. It is also argued that parish churches in the eighteenth century functioned as general public forums with a number of other functions in addition to worship, such as being places of trade and festivities. This seems to change in the nineteenth century, when churches became more exclusively religious arenas. The transition can be seen in the context of new forms of participation in Church matters. Many clerics wanted greater participation by sections of the commoners, in order to strengthen control in moral and religious matters.


Author(s):  
Laurence Lessard-Phillips ◽  
Yaël Brinbaum ◽  
Anthony Heath

This chapter focuses on students who continue in full-time education after compulsory schooling and asks whether minority students are disproportionately channelled into lower-status vocational tracks and are excluded from the high-status academic tracks which lead to higher education. The picture that emerges is of distinct patterns in different sets of countries. In Belgium, Germany and the Netherlands, minority groups are less likely to follow the academic track, but this under-representation can be entirely explained by their disadvantaged socioeconomic backgrounds and relatively low grades in lower secondary school. However, in a second group of countries – England and Wales, Finland, France and Sweden –most minorities are in fact more likely to follow the academic track than their majority-group peers from similar socioeconomic backgrounds and with similar grades. The indications are that comprehensive systems offer greater opportunities for minority students to fulfil their ambitions than do tracked educational systems.


2020 ◽  
pp. 194855062096960
Author(s):  
Danny Osborne ◽  
Nicole Satherley ◽  
Todd D. Little ◽  
Chris G. Sibley

Although right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO) are the two most studied individual difference correlates of prejudice, debate remains over their status as enduring constructs that precede generalized prejudice. We contribute to this discussion using 10 annual waves of longitudinal data from a nationwide random sample of adults to investigate the stability and temporal precedence of RWA, SDO, and prejudice among members of an ethnic majority group ( Ns = 23,383–47,217). Results reveal high wave-to-wave rank-order stability for RWA, SDO, and generalized prejudice. Adjusting for their between-person stability, RWA and SDO predicted within-person increases in generalized prejudice. Results replicated when predicting (a) prejudice toward three specific minority groups (namely, Māori, Pacific Islanders, and Asians) and (b) anti-minority beliefs. These findings demonstrate that RWA and SDO are highly stable over 10 consecutive years and that they independently precede within-person annual increases in generalized prejudice and anti-minority beliefs.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 260-277
Author(s):  
Nico Vorster

Abstract Muslim radicalization has forced western states to rethink policies on integrating minority communities into their societies. As a result, some European countries are in the process of replacing the traditional multiculturalist state paradigms with a civic integration model. This article warns against integration policies that: i) create parallel societies; ii). impose the identity of the majority group on minority groups; iii). or impose a difference-blind universal identity on all its citizens. Drawing on the Christian-informed political philosophies of John Althusius and Charles Taylor, the case is made for an inclusionary political mindset that addresses the challenges of globalization and pluralization. The approach proposed is termed symbiotic politics and is based on a common respect for political values such as human dignity, equality and freedom that are essential for human coexistence, a shared commitment to non-aggression and mutual aid, and the political recognition of collective identities.


2005 ◽  
Vol 68 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-386 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maykel Verkuyten ◽  
Katarzyna Zaremba

The aim of this study was to examine evaluations of multiple groups by both ethnic majority-group (Dutch) and minority-group (Turkish-Dutch) members during a turbulent political period in the Netherlands, marked by the rapid rise and subsequent decline of a new-rightist, populist movement. The analysis of cross-sectional data from three periods (2001 to 2003) showed clear changes in these evaluations. As expected, both the Dutch and the Turkish participants showed higher ingroup identification and ingroup evaluation in 2002 than in 2001 and 2003. In addition, in 2002 the Dutch participants evaluated the Islamic outgroups (Turks and Moroccans) more negatively, whereas their evaluation of other ethnic minority groups did not differ across the three years. In contrast, Turkish participants evaluated all ethnic outgroups, including the Dutch and the Moroccans, more negatively in 2002. We conclude that it is important to study ethnic relations across time, in relation to political circumstances, from the perspective of both majority- and minority-group members, and in relation to different ethnic outgroups.


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