scholarly journals PRECONDITIONS AND COURSE OF THE MOLDAVIAN CAMPAIGN OF SULEIMAN KANUNI IN 1538 AND ITS CONSEQUENCES FOR THE BORDER POSITION OF BUKOVYNA

2021 ◽  
pp. 3-9
Author(s):  
Oleksii Balukh
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Demographic Development ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Trade Routes ◽  
The North

The territory in Upper Suceava, Siret, Upper Popruttia and Middle Podnistrovya (Bukovyna) played an important part in international relations due to transcontinental trade routes connecting the north of Western Europe and the Black Sea. Moreover, it was a confluence of political and economic interests of current major countries of Central and Eastern Europe, mostly Poland and later Ottoman Empire which had been competing for the hegemony in the region and craved to be decisive in its history. During 1530, the Ottoman Empire and Poland wanted to extend their power to Moldavia and to Bukovina. The reason for this was that the region was at the forefront of the struggle between both countries. Frontier conflicts between Poland and Moldavia lasted until 1538 when Turkish sultan and Polish king arranged Tartar Horde to capture Moldavian lands and Polish troops which surrounded Khotyn fortress forced Petru Rares make a vassal oath to Zygmunt I. Still it did not help preserve Moldavian sovereignty as Turkish sultan occupied Suceava due to Moldavian boyars betrayal, while Petru Rares was compelled to escape to Transylvania. Thus, Moldavia and the territory of Bukovyna went over to Ottoman Empire, which had negative consequences on the situation of the local people, restricting its agricultural and demographic development. The borders of Bukovyna became, therefore, the borders of Ottoman Empire. Besides, eastern part of Bukovyna (with the centre in Khotyn) was subordinate to Turkish administration which created an important defense point that often became the location for battles in coming years. Thus, after the Moldavian state became dependent on the Ottoman state in 1538, the situation in Bukovynian lands deteriorated significantly. The consequence of this was that from the end of the XVI – the beginning of the XVII century Bukovyna was the object of military-political competition, and power over the region passed from hand to hand.

Origins and Evolution of the North American Stable Peace

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
David G. Haglund
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
North American ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
American Experience ◽  
Back Seat ◽  
The North ◽  
Security Communities ◽  
Primary Focus

Interstate relations among the North American countries have been irenic for so long that the continent is often assumed to have little if anything to contribute to scholarly debates on peaceful change. In good measure, this can be attributed to the way in which discussions of peaceful change often become intertwined with a different kind of inquiry among international relations scholars, one focused upon the origins and denotative characteristics of “pluralistic security communities.” Given that it is generally (though not necessarily accurately) considered that such security communities first arose in Western Europe, it is not difficult to understand why the North American regional-security story so regularly takes an analytical back seat to what is considered to be the far more interesting European one. This article challenges the idea that there is little to learn from the North American experience, inter alia by stressing three leading theoretical clusters within which can be situated the scholarly corpus of works attempting to assess the causes of peaceful change on the continent. Although the primary focus is on the Canada–US relationship, the article includes a brief discussion of where Mexico might be said to fit in the regional-security order.

Harvest of Briars

2019 ◽  
pp. 121-158
Author(s):  
A. Wess Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Cost Effective ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Second Phase ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
The West ◽  
The North ◽  
Third Phase

This chapter examines the competition with the Ottoman Empire and Russia, from the reconquest of Hungary to Joseph II’s final Turkish war. On its southern and eastern frontiers, the Habsburg Monarchy contended with two large land empires: a decaying Ottoman Empire, and a rising Russia determined to extend its influence on the Black Sea littorals and Balkan Peninsula. In balancing these forces, Austria faced two interrelated dangers: the possibility of Russia filling Ottoman power vacuums that Austria itself could not fill, and the potential for crises here, if improperly managed, to fetter Austria’s options for handling graver threats in the west. In dealing with these challenges, Austria deployed a range of tools over the course of the eighteenth century. In the first phase (1690s–1730s), it deployed mobile field armies to alleviate Turkish pressure on the Habsburg heartland before the arrival of significant Russian influence. In the second phase (1740s–70s), Austria used appeasement and militarized borders to ensure quiet in the south while focusing on the life-or-death struggles with Frederick the Great. In the third phase (1770s–90s), it used alliances of restraint to check and keep pace with Russian expansion, and recruit its help in comanaging problems to the north. Together, these techniques provided for a slow but largely effective recessional, in which the House of Austria used cost-effective methods to manage Turkish decline and avoid collisions that would have complicated its more important western struggles.

A connected history of political economy in Asia and Europe, ca 1750–1914

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-2
Author(s):  
Alessandro Stanziani
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Economic Thought ◽  
The North ◽  
History Of ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
History Of Political Economy ◽  
Political Economic

The history of political-economic thought has been built up over the centuries with a uniform focus on European and North American thinkers. Intellectuals beyond the North Atlantic have been largely understood as the passive recipients of already formed economic categories and arguments. This view has often been accepted not only by scholars and observers in Europe but also in many other places such as Russia, India, China, Japan, and the Ottoman Empire. In this regard, the articles included in this collection explicitly differentiate from this diffusionist approach (“born in Western Europe, then flowed everywhere else”).

Cooperative Radio Agreements

1952 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 396-406
Author(s):  
Arno G. Huth
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Cultural Factors ◽  
European Countries ◽  
International Agreement ◽  
Mass Communications ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Practical Consequence ◽  
Economic Ties

There is today a new kind of international agreement which, going beyond general provisions and vague expressions of goodwill, has proved to be of immediate, practical consequence. Cooperative radio agreements or, as they are sometimes called, “agreements for mutual assistance”, provide the legal and organizational framework for international relations among broadcasting services in sixteen European countries. At the same time, some of them constitute a basis for the collaboration and coordination of communist-controlled stations, and thus for spreading and strengthening Soviet propaganda; they effectively supplement military and economic ties of the Cominform group in the fields of information and mass communications. Their provisions reflect a new trend in international law, taking into account technical and cultural factors as well as legal considerations, political and economic interests. Although no less than thirty-two agreements have been concluded during the last five years – some also by broadcasting organizations in western Europe – they are little known outside the countries directly concerned.

The North Caucasus between the Ottoman Empire and the Tsardom of Muscovy: The Beginnings, 1552-1570

2016 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-125
Author(s):  
Murat Yaşar
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
North Caucasus ◽  
Spheres Of Influence ◽  
The North ◽  
Rising Power ◽  
First Time ◽  
Shed Light

The present paper explores the hitherto unknown beginnings of the Ottoman-Russian imperial rivalry by focusing on the mid-16th-century encounter between the Ottoman Empire and the Tsardom of Muscovy over the North Caucasus, where the ambitions of these two asymmetric powers—the Ottomans being an established “super power” and the Muscovites a rising power—became entangled for the first time. This first encounter, which was the harbinger of many future engagements not only in this region but also in the broader steppe frontier around the Black Sea, was more of a “cold war” rather than a military confrontation, as both the Ottomans and the Muscovites rather preferred to establish spheres of influence and eventually their hegemony over the North Caucasus through their vassals and clients. In addition to demonstrating the Tsardom of Muscovy’s initial claims and policies over the North Caucasus, this study will shed light on the reasons of the Ottoman failure to transform their nominal claims over the region to a de facto hegemony similar to what they had established over Eastern European principalities.

scholarly journals Zygmunt Mineyko (1840-1925) i poszukiwanie starożytnej Dodony

2019 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 87-102
Author(s):  
Joachim Śliwa
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Financial Support ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Civil Engineering ◽  
Ancient History ◽  
Arts And Sciences ◽  
The North ◽  
North Western ◽  
Of Greece ◽  
Vast Territory

Zygmunt Mineyko (1840 –1925) and the Discovery of Ancient Dodona The text is devoted to Zygmunt Mineyko – a participant of the 1863 January Uprising, who had to look for safety in Western Europe after the collapse of the patriotic insurrection and the resulting repressions. Having acquired relevant professional qualifications in France, Mineyko worked as a specialist in civil engineering in the vast territory of the Ottoman Empire. In the years 1875–1876, working in the north-western part of Greece (Epirus), he managed to identify the location of Dodona – the main ancient sanctuary of Zeus. Due to the shortage of funds, he accepted financial support from a rich Greek Konstantinos Karapanos. In 1878, Karapanos issued a publication in Paris in which he attributed the discovery of the sanctuary and the results of work entirely to himself, mentioning only briefly Mineyko as his assistant engineer. From that moment on, Mineyko started to strive for the acknowledgement of his rights as a discoverer. His actions were not always effective, but the essential argument still laid in his hands. The most important historic items still belonged to him, as they had been discovered already at the time when he carried on the search by himself. A particularly valuable group of these objects (the famous group of the “Dodona bronzes”) was sold to the Museum in Berlin via his eldest daughter and sonin-law Ludwik Karol Potocki only in 1904. The text quotes also archive materials from the collection of the Academy of Arts and Sciences that were drawn up in 1877; Mineyko tried to arouse interest in his discovery also by presenting it directly to Polish experts in ancient history. Within the scope of the activity of the Archaeological Commission, on the basis of materials submitted by Mineyko, Professor Marian Sokołowski prepared a long report, defending Mineyko’s rights to the discovery (the text was published in the subsequent year).

scholarly journals Citizenship, Nation-and State-Building: The Integration of Northern Dobrogea into Romania, 1878-1913

2002 ◽  
pp. 86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Constantin Iordachi
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Black Sea ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
State Building ◽  
The Black Sea ◽  
Danube Delta ◽  
Southeastern Europe ◽  
The West ◽  
The North

Situated in the northeastern extremity of the Balkan Peninsula, between the lower Danube and the Black Sea, the historical province of Dobrogea has a highly individualized geographical character. The arid steppes in the middle of the province are surrounded by an extensive seacoast in the east, the vast Danube delta in the north, the fertile shores of the Danube in the west, and by the Bulgarian mainland in the south, making up a broad ribbon of land, a kind of "irregular oblong with a waist" (see Map I, page ll).This advantageous geopolitical and commercial location accounts for Dobrogea's tumultuous history. From fifteenth century, Dobrogea functioned as a borderland of the Ottoman Empire and one of the most advanced Muslim military bastions in Southeastern Europe.

scholarly journals Russian-Greek Political and Ecclesiastical Relations in 20-30s of the 19th Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 26-40
Author(s):  
E. P. Kudryavtseva
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Russian Orthodox Church ◽  
War Of Independence ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
Balkan State ◽  
The 19Th Century

The article is devoted to the Russian-Greek ecclesiastical and political relations before and during the Eastern Crisis of the 1820s. After the start of the Greek uprising in 1821, Russia took an ambivalent position: as a patron of all orthodox Christians in the Ottoman Empire, it sought to support the Greeks, but Russia also had to recognize the Greek revolution as an illegitimate rebellion. As a member of the Holy Alliance of European Powers Russia had no other choice but to adhere to the principles of legitimism. Russia had both political and economic interests in the region. After the Greek uprising, main powers in the Western Europe had no doubt that Russia would support the rebels. Nevertheless, Russia regarded the Greek rebellion as another European revolution. After a successful war of independence, Russia established its diplomatic mission in the Greek capital. The first ambassador was P.I. Rickman, who arrived with aim to provide political relations with this new Balkan state. If political support of the rebellion could find no understanding in the conservative European circles, the aid of the Orthodox Balkan Church was implied by the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca 1774. Special attention in this support, provided by the Holy Synod of the Russian Orthodox Church to the Greek monasteries, was paid to the Athos monasteries. This support was designed by a special document. It was adopted in 1735 under the Empress Anna Ivanovna and was subject to execution in subsequent years. The Archive of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has kept lists of all Orthodox monasteries on the territory of the Ottoman Empire that enjoyed material support from the Russian church; a significant part of this list are the Orthodox churches of Greece.

scholarly journals Western Europe through the Eyes of Students of Kazakhstan Universities: Countries’ Images and Driving Force for their Formation

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-118
Author(s):  
Aigul’ Begenovna Yessimova ◽  
Sergei Alekseevich Panarin
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Driving Force ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Negative Influence ◽  
European Countries ◽  
Cultural Characteristics ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Dual Image ◽  
The City

The image of a country, and especially how the country is viewed from beyond its borders, is becoming an increasingly important resource capable of exerting positive or negative influence in various fields, including international relations. In the USSR, Western Europe was endowed with a dual image of cultural treasury and the territory dominated by classes and forces hostile to the socialist camp. After the collapse of the USSR, Western Europe began to be perceived as a capitalist model to be coped, and it is from those years that the contemporary ideas of the youth in Kazakhstan about its image have being originated. In order to probe them, a pilot sociological survey was conducted in two Kazakhstani universities, one of which is located in the north-east of the country, in the city of Ust’-Kamenogorsk, the second is in the south, in Shymkent. The results obtained allow us to assert with confidence that students do not have a holistic image of Western Europe; their views are dominated by images of individual European countries, and these images differ greatly in the degree of completeness. The most developed images are those of France and Germany, but even they represent no more than a set of widespread stereotypes about the economic, political, cultural characteristics of both countries. It is also striking that the images of Western European countries, which emerge from the students’ answers, are generally deprived of any meaningful and easily recognizable embodiment, i.e. they are very rarely identified with historically, politically and culturally significant personalities. According to the authors, this feature indicates that students view Western Europe most and foremost as a place where their various consumer needs can be satisfied.

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