scholarly journals A dupla máscara da anarquia: Black Blocs, Anonymous e outros fenômenos │ The double mask of anarchy: Black Blocs, Anonymous and other phenomena

2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Capeller
Keyword(s):  
Critical Appraisal ◽  
Walter Benjamin ◽  
The Other ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Constituent Power ◽  
The Social ◽  
Divine Violence ◽  
Antonio Negri ◽  
Political Demonstrations

RESUMO Uma tentativa de determinar o verdadeiro sentido das manifestações de 2013 no Brasil por de uma dupla articulação entre as contradições sociais e políticas dos próprios manifestantes, de um lado, e as contradições estéticas e culturais expressas pela grande mídia, assim como pela chamada mídia independente, durante a cobertura dos eventos acima mencionados, por outro. Nessa análise, tentamos interpretar o conceito de “violência divina” de Walter Benjamin, alinhado ao conceito de “poder constituinte” tal como analisado por Antonio Negri, com o auxílio do estudo de Giorgio Agamben sobre o “estado de exceção”, para uma nova abordagem da questão da violência nas manifestações e da forma ambígua com que a grande mídia, assim como a chamada mídia independente, lidou com esta questão. Nosso texto acaba com uma análise crítica de dois fenômenos distintos, errônea ou corretamente associados como “anarquistas”: os vários grupos de anonymous e de black blocs que então surgiram, povoando a superfície dos acontecimentos.Palavras-chave: Estado de exceção; Violência divina; Poder constituinte; Black blocs; Anonymous.ABSTRACT An attempt to determine the real meaning of last year’s political demonstrations in Brasil by a double articulation between the social and political contradictions of the demonstrators themselves, on one hand, and the cultural and aesthetical contradictions expressed by the big media, as well as by its independent internet counterpart, during their coverage of the above mentioned events, on the other. Throughout this analysis we try to interpret Walter Benjamin’s concept of “divine violence" aligned with Antonio Negri’s study of “the constituent power” and Agamben’s work on the juridical concept of the “state of exception” to try to cope with the violence associated with these demonstrations and the ambiguous way that both the independent and the big media dealt with it. Our analysis ends with a critical appraisal of two distinct, and yet rightfully or wrongfully related, so-called anarchist phenomena: the innumerable groups of black blocs and anonymous that were, from then on, emerging to the surface of the events.Keywords: State of exception; Divine violence; Constituent power; Black blocs; Anonymous.

PENSAMENTO POLÍTICO EM GIORGIO AGAMBEN

Professare ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Claudemir Aparecido Lopes
Keyword(s):  
Political Freedom ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Control ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
Social Fabric ◽  
Contemporary Politics ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social

<p class="resumoabstract">O professor Giorgio Agamben tem elaborado críticas à engenhosa estrutura política ocidental moderna. Avalia os mecanismos de controle estatal, nos quais os denomina ‘dispositivos’, cuja força está na imbricação às normas jurídico-teológicas com seus similares ritos e liturgias. Suas ocorrências e legitimidade preponderam no tecido social cuja organização sistêmica se põe quase como elemento natural e não cultural. O texto tem por objetivo explorar a concepção política de Agamben sobre a política contemporânea, especialmente considerando seu livro: ‘Estado de Exceção’, cuja investigação apresenta a possibilidade de atenuação dos direitos de cidadania e o enfraquecimento da prática da liberdade política e o processo de relação dos indivíduos no meio social através da redução das subjetividades ‘autênticas’. Analisamos ainda a transferência do mundo sacro elaborado pelos teólogos católicos presente na modernidade à política cuja democracia moderna faz do homem (sujeito) tornar-se objeto do poder político. Faz também, reflexão dos conceitos de subjetivação e dessubjetivação relacionando-os às implicações políticas do homem moderno. A pesquisa é bibliográfica com ênfase na análise dos conceitos elaborados por Agamben, especialmente quanto ao ‘dispositivo’. Conclui que o indivíduo ocidental, de modo geral, sofre o processo de dessubjetivação e está ‘nu’, indefeso e alienado politicamente. Ele precisa voltar-se ao processo de ‘profanação’ dos dispositivos para libertar-se das vinculações orientadoras que forçosamente o descaracteriza enquanto ser ativo e livre.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Palavras-chave</strong>: Política. Liberdade. Subjetivação.</p><h3>ABSTRACT</h3><p class="resumoabstract">Professor Giorgio Agamben has been criticizing the ingenious modern Western political structure. It evaluates the mechanisms of state control, in which it calls them 'devices', whose strength lies in the overlap with legal-theological norms with their similar rites and liturgies. Its occurrences and legitimacy preponderate in the social fabric whose systemic organization is almost as a natural and not a cultural element. The text aims to explore Agamben's political conception of contemporary politics, especially considering his book 'State of Exception', whose research presents the possibility of attenuating citizenship rights and weakening the practice of political freedom and the individuals in the social environment through the reduction of 'authentic' subjectivities. We also analyze the transfer of the sacred world elaborated by the Catholic theologians present in the modernity to the politics whose modern democracy makes of the man - subject - to become object of the political power. It also reflects on the concepts of subjectivation and desubjectivation, relating them to the political implications of modern man. The research is bibliographical with emphasis in the analysis of the concepts elaborated by Agamben, especially with regard to the 'device'. He concludes that the Western individual, in general, suffers the process of desubjectivation and is 'naked', defenseless and politically alienated. He must turn to the process of 'desecration' of devices to free himself from the guiding bindings that forcibly demeanes him while being active and free.</p><p class="resumoabstract"><strong>Keywords</strong>: Politics. Freedom. Subjectivity. </p><p> </p>

Filosofia, politica e società ai tempi della pandemia. Agamben e la «paranoia della ragione»

2021 ◽  
Vol 77 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 617-642
Author(s):  
Antonio Di Chiro
Keyword(s):  
Social Life ◽  
The Other ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Intimate Relations ◽  
To Come ◽  
The One

In this essay we will try to analyze the thought of the philosopher Giorgio Agamben on the pandemic. The aim of the work is twofold. On the one hand, we will try to demonstrate that Agamben’s positions on the pandemic are not to be understood as mere extemporaneous statements, but as integral parts of his philosophy. On the other hand, we will try to show how these positions are based on a deeply paranoid and anti-scientific vision, since Agamben believes that the effects of the epidemic have been exaggerated by the centers of power in order to create a “state of exception” that allows to crumble social life and to use the fear of poverty as a tool to dominate society. We will try to demonstrate that it is precisely starting from the critique of Agamben’s positions that it is possible to rethink a philosophy and a politic to come and a new reorganization of social and intimate relations between human beings.

Reconceiving Immigration Politics: Walter Benjamin, Violence, and Labor

2019 ◽  
Vol 114 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
INÉS VALDEZ
Keyword(s):  
Walter Benjamin ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Production Chain ◽  
Labor Activism ◽  
Emancipatory Politics ◽  
Divine Violence ◽  
Immigration Politics ◽  
Coalition Of Immokalee Workers ◽  
The Stability

This article theorizes the circulation of violence in the realms of immigration and labor. Through Walter Benjamin, I conceptualize the relationship between racial violence and law, and note that although violence can support the authority of law, excessive violence makes law vulnerable to decay. This tension between authority and excess is eased by humanitarianism. I find clues for disrupting this circulation in Benjamin’s twin notions of the real state of exception and the general strike, introduced two decades apart and invested in theorizing how labor and other marginalized groups threaten the stability of law supported by violence. This reconstruction proceeds alongside an examination of the contemporary US regime of immigration enforcement, which combines the excessive violence of detention and deportation with marginal humanitarian adjustments, which ultimately legitimate violence. On the disruptive side, a Benjaminian reading of labor activism by the Coalition of Immokalee Workers offers three dimensions of emancipatory politics: (a) practices of refusal (to engage on the terms of the immigration debate), (b) the establishment of historical constellations (of racial regulation of labor constitutive of law), and (c) divine violence (through exposure of lawful violence in the food production chain).

What Happens in Vegas: Hunter S. Thompson's Political Philosophy

2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-170
Author(s):  
JASON VREDENBURG
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Las Vegas ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Homo Sacer ◽  
Hardt And Negri ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Antonio Negri ◽  
The Relationship

In the forty years since its publication, Hunter S. Thompson's most famous work, Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas, has received relatively little attention from scholars, in spite of its continuing popularity and acknowledged influence. Because the narrative is so thoroughly rooted in what Thompson called “this foul year of Our Lord, 1971,” the novel is generally approached (when it is discussed at all) as a historical artifact, a gonzo first draft of history, with its fortunes rising and falling with the counterculture of the 1960s. This article argues that Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas, far from being merely an epitaph for the 1960s, actually anticipates the more recent work of political theorists Giorgio Agamben, Michael Hardt, and Antonio Negri. Thompson's work, like Agamben's, concerns the emergence of the state of exception and the homo sacer as new paradigms for the relationship between citizen and state; and, like Hardt and Negri, Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas attempts to formulate a response to the emergence of global empire.

scholarly journals Estado de exceção como regra: a vida nua sob o “eclipse político” em Giorgio Agamben / State of exception as a rule: the bare life under the "political eclipse" in Giorgio Agamben

Profanações ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 269
Author(s):  
Maria Do Socorro Catarina de Sousa Oliveira
Keyword(s):  
Social Order ◽  
The State ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Sovereign Power ◽  
Bare Life ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Homo Sacer ◽  
The Social ◽  
Legal Security ◽  
Original Objective

Um dos temas de maior relevância abordado por Giorgio Agamben diz respeito ao estado de exceção como paradigma político, ou seja, o estado de exceção não se restringe aos Estados totalitários, mas a uma prática governamental que vem se propagando rapidamente, inclusive nas sociedades democráticas. Assim, o presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar, a partir de duas obras que compõem o Projeto Homo Sacer, a saber, Homo Sacer: o poder soberano e a vida nua I (2002), e Estado de Exceção: homo sacer II (2004), os principais elementos que formatam a teoria agambeniana do estado de exceção como paradigma de governo e como o delineamento de suas teses nos permite falar em “eclipse político”, o qual está concretizado na impotência do cidadão diante do poder soberano, a figura híbrida que tem a sua disposição não apenas a máquina governamental, mas o próprio ordenamento jurídico desvirtuado de seu objetivo original de proteção e segurança jurídica para um complexo e malicioso mecanismo de manutenção da “ordem social”. AbstractOne of the most relevant topics addressed by Giorgio Agamben is the state of exception as a political paradigm, that is, the state of exception is not restricted to totalitarian states, but to a government practice that is spreading rapidly, even in democratic societies. Thus, this article aims to analyze, from two works that make up the Homo Sacer Project, namely Homo Sacer: sovereign power and naked life I (2002), and State of Exception: homo sacer II (2004) ), the main elements that form the agambenian theory of the state of exception as a paradigm of government and how the delineation of its theses allows us to speak in "political eclipse", which is concretized in the impotence of the citizen before the sovereign power, the hybrid figure which has at its disposal not only the governmental machine, but the legal system itself distorted from its original objective of protection and legal security for a complex and malicious mechanism of maintenance of the "social order".

Introduction

2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-229
Author(s):  
Sarah Ghabrial
Keyword(s):  
Special Section ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Race Difference ◽  
Legal Traditions ◽  
Main Intervention

Abstract The main intervention of this special section is to identify and reposition race and colonial law as (conspicuously) absent referents in widely accepted genealogies of the state of exception—most notably, that of Giorgio Agamben—and to offer methodological pathways, based on historical and contemporary examples, of how colonial legal histories might be “written back” into this history. Collectively, these essays attempt to show how race thinking and exception each operate as the other's alibi: exception instantiating and substantiating race difference, and race difference justifying exception and ushering its expansion and normalization in steadily more realms of law and life. In so doing, this special section proposes at least three possible avenues of further inquiry, each of which builds on and into the other: First, by virtue of their geographic and temporal scope, these essays signal a way of approaching sovereignty and exception not as totalizing and synthetic, but rather as multivalent, recursive, and regenerative. Second, the designation of “partial personhood” or “disabled citizenship” is offered as a way of conceptually traversing trans-Mediterranean and trans-Atlantic historical experiences and legal traditions. Third, these essays signal the need for more sustained exploration at the nexus of law, labor, and violence.

Response to Kathleen R. Arnold's review of Welfare Reform and Sexual Regulation

2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 815-816
Author(s):  
Anna Marie Smith
Keyword(s):  
Welfare Reform ◽  
Child Support ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Child Support Enforcement ◽  
Sexual Regulation ◽  
The Social ◽  
Social Theories ◽  
Specific Complex ◽  
Antonio Negri ◽  
Late Modern

Let me begin by thanking Kathleen R. Arnold for her comments and Jeffrey Isaac for the invitation to participate in this exchange. Clearly, Kathleen and I are both indebted to the Marxist and Foucauldian traditions. For my part, however, I find the Gramscian insistence on the historically specific, complex, and contradictory character of every historical bloc and hegemonic institution more compelling than the social theories that envision the social structure as a closed totality (Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri) or construct state power in an ahistorical and one-dimensional manner (Giorgio Agamben). Contemporary welfare reform, for example, resembles the racially exclusionary “substitute father” rule of Aid to Families with Dependent Children. But welfare reform, with its workfare requirement, child support enforcement, family cap, fatherhood programming, abstinence education, and marriage promotion dimensions, is also somewhat unique. The Gramscian paradigm encourages us to be skeptical when it appears as if the state in a late-modern developed society is becoming either a simple instrument of capital that is obediently shrinking into irrelevance, or an omnipotent machine whose seamless coherence and unbroken continuity leaves democratic forces absolutely no strategic opportunity for constructing a counterhegemonic bloc and fighting back.

Immanence: A Working Plan

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 508-515
Author(s):  
Elettra Stimilli
Keyword(s):  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Constituent Power ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Working Plan ◽  
Antonio Negri ◽  
Italian Philosophy

Immanence is a key concept in Gilles Deleuze's thought. It emerges in 1968, in the book Expressionism in Philosophy: Spinoza and it is a focus until his last text. Immanence is a concept steeped in theological resonances, which disturbs Western metaphysics and politics. But, according to Deleuze, immanence is not really a concept, rather it is a ‘plan’. ‘The plan of immanence’ is the ‘prephilosophical’ working plan of philosophy. The point is that, according to Deleuze, philosophy cannot be understood only conceptually, although it begins with the creation of concepts. Here, rather, what is at stake is a prephilosophical origin of philosophy itself. This relationship between the plane of immanence and philosophy is the most important aspect that some of best-known exponents of contemporary Italian philosophy have inherited from Deleuze. The focus of this essay is on three expressions of the plane of immanence in the sense of Deleuze that have been developed in contemporary Italian Thought: the ‘constituent power’ of politics in Antonio Negri; the ‘impersonal’ in Roberto Esposito; and the ‘potentiality’ in Giorgio Agamben.

scholarly journals Estado de exceção: Giorgio Agamben entre Walter Benjamin e Carl Schmitt [State of exception: Giorgio Agamben between Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt]

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (47) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Danigui Renigui Martins de Souza
Keyword(s):  
Walter Benjamin ◽  
The State ◽  
Carl Schmitt ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Political Structure ◽  
The West ◽  
The Creation

O presente trabalho pretende apresentar algumas considerações acerca do Estado de exceção pensado por Agamben a partir do diálogo existente entre Walter Benjamin e Carl Schmitt. Para realizar tal tarefa teremos como referência basilar o capítulo “Gigantomachia intorno a un vuoto”, da obra Estado de exceção. No referido capítulo, Agamben nos revela a existência de um diálogo entre Schmitt e Benjamin que influenciou a criação do conceito de exceção em ambos. Porém, para Agamben, o conceito de exceção parece ser algo que ultrapassa a discussão realizada por Benjamin e Schmitt, revelando a estrutura jurídico-política do Ocidente.[The present work intends to show some considerations about the State of exception thought by Agamben from the existing dialogue between Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt. To carry out this task we will have as a reference the chapter "Gigantomachia intorno a un vuoto", from the book State of exception. In that chapter, Agamben reveals to us the existence of a dialogue between Schmitt and Benjamin that influenced the creation of the concept of exception for the both of them. However, for Agamben, the concept of exception seems to be something that goes beyond the discussion held by Benjamin and Schmitt, revealing the legal-political structure of the West.]

scholarly journals The Invisible Hand of History: Governmentality, the Providential Machine, and Historical Materialism

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 247-265
Keyword(s):  
Historical Materialism ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Invisible Hand ◽  
State Of Exception ◽  
Giorgio Agamben ◽  
Constituent Power ◽  
True Nature ◽  
Louis Althusser ◽  
Real Socialism ◽  
Different Types

The article is devoted to one aspect of the genealogy of Soviet governmentality. Michel Foucault, who elaborated the original theory of different types of governmentality, rejected the idea that socialism could arrive at its own practices of management. From his point of view, real socialism ties into the already existing police and liberal versions of governmentality. The “police-administrative” aspect of politics in socialist countries is well known, but its liberal component is only beginning to be systematically studied. In the theoretical canon, a revolutionary project nevertheless comes close to a liberal one: the Marxist criticism of bourgeois political economy shared the same epistemes with it. Some interpreters assume that this commonality also extends to concepts of history, that both Marxism and liberalism see economic rationality as a driving force in the historical process. Economic governmentality can be interpreted not only as a peculiar, historically determined disposition of power but also as a principle —both ontological and epistemological — that governs history itself. That interpretation was disputed by the most prominent Marxist philosophers. In particular, Walter Benjamin and Louis Althusser criticized social-democratic “economism” and “progressism” as they rehabilitated the key concepts of sovereign policy. “Intervention,” “state of exception,” “the exception becoming the rule” — all these concepts refer not to regulation by policing practices but precisely to the model of sovereign decision. Any such revival of sovereignty in liberation politics is certainly problematic, especially when both sovereignty and governmentality belong to the same “providential machine” of theological “oikonomia” as recent studies by Giorgio Agamben have made clear. The article points out the paradoxes in suspension of the “laws of history” by the sovereign using the example of the debate among Soviet historians (which was studied in depth by Andrey Yurganov) about the true nature of the Russian late medieval state. In conclusion, the author analyzes Antonio Negri’s concept of constituent power as a force that can suspend the operation of the providential machine.

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