scholarly journals Elite Attitudes Toward Multinational Firms: The Korean Experience

2011 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bang Nam Jeon ◽  
Se Young Ahn

This paper reports the survey results of the recently changing attitudes of the government and business elite groups toward multinational firms in Korea and investigates the major individual attribute determinants of these attitude changes. The elite groups of the public and private sectors in Korea, such as government officials and business leaders, were shown to have favorable attitudes toward multinational firms, in general for varying reasons. The estimation results based on the linear probability (OLS) model and the probit model showed that the most significant changes in attitudes toward multinational corporations in Korea are expected among the young business leaders working for small firms and the government officials at the low hierarchical level. This paper also discusses several policy implications of this study on the enhancement of the receptivity toward multinational firms and the host-country policies of foreign investment in Korea.

2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 499-520 ◽  
Author(s):  
HYOUNG-GOO KANG ◽  
THOMAS T. HOLYOKE

AbstractIntense competition can compel lobbyists to exaggerate the benefits the government would see in tax returns and social welfare if agency officials allocate such resources to the lobbyist's members. This incentive to misrepresent grows when information asymmetry exists between lobbyists and government officials. A large body of literature has investigated how interest groups compete and interact, but it disregards the interdependency of interests between competing groups and associated strategic behaviors of other players. Our signaling model of lobbying reveals ways in which agency officials can compel lobbyists for competing interests to lobby truthfully and what the policy implications of this compulsion can be. We also present case-study evidence of how this works in practice.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 316-334
Author(s):  
Javier Calero Cuervo ◽  
Ka U. Cheong

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate how rapid tourism growth in Macao affected local small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs). The liberalization of the gaming industry to multinational corporations (MNCs) in 2002 led to a sevenfold increase in foreign direct investments (FDI) in Macao. Design/methodology/approach A survey grounded in issues concerning how SMEs adapt to the effects of FDI in Macao was carried out by interviewing managers of local SMEs, MNCs and an SME association. Information from various published sources was also consulted to complement and update the analyses. Findings Findings revealed that the emergence of investments by MNCs in Macao brought favorable and unfavorable effects to local SMEs. Local SMEs were challenged in terms of recruiting and retaining human resources, given the attractive salaries and training offered by MNCs. Equally challenging for local SMEs was the effect of economic growth on the costs of property space in Macao’s small territory. However, local SMEs have advantages when collaborating with MNCs as the former serves as important partners in networking. Local SMEs can collaborate quicker with their network of local stakeholders which MNCs lack and need. The government and various stakeholders will need to continue their role in developing the capacities and capabilities of local SMEs. Research limitations/implications The research study has important public policy implications on structuring the foreign labor and property needs of local SMEs. Originality/value This paper provides insights on the challenges SMEs in small-open economies experience during rapid tourism growth fueled by MNCs, and some policy recommendations are proposed.


2020 ◽  
pp. 0148558X2096569
Author(s):  
Tanya Y. H. Tang

This article investigates the occurrence and outcomes of corporate tax-related political activity through bribery. Specifically, it examines the extent to which firms bribe government officials through gift-giving, banqueting, and entertaining activities and the extent of payoffs that firms gain from these bribery practices. Using a large hand-collected dataset of Chinese listed firms for the period from 2009 to 2014, I find that firms that spend more on consumption bribery exhibit a significantly lower tax burden. This negative association is mainly driven by small firms, non-state-owned firms, state-owned firms with weak political connections, and firms in competitive industries. Further evidence shows that the tax benefits from bribery are more apparent in more corrupt, less economically developed, and less liberalized regions. Furthermore, the payoffs of tax bribery are mitigated by 45.4% after the implementation of China’s anti-corruption campaign in 2012. These findings have policy implications for governments to optimize investment environments and increase tax revenue by curbing power-for-money deals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison Gerard ◽  
Leanne Weber

This article challenges the common assumption that non-government organizations (NGOs) are ‘natural allies’ to asylum seekers in transforming borders from below by examining theories of humanitarianism within the context of securitization. Our article examines the theoretical and policy implications of the ‘humanitarian borderwork’ of NGOs, defined as practices that contain a security logic that construct, shift and erase internal and external borders. Our case study explores the involvement of government contracted NGOs in the delivery of services to adult and unaccompanied minor asylum seekers on the community detention and release programme in Australia. Documentary analysis of policy and contractual arrangements informing the establishment of community detention and release is supplemented by key informant interviews with government officials and service providers. We analyse the contradictory tensions that exist between humanitarian objectives that seek to ‘transform borders from below’ and governmental security imperatives that tend to co-opt agencies and limit their ability to achieve humanitarian aims. Based on the case study presented, we illustrate how the ‘humanitarian borderwork’ of NGOs can shape the translation of government power and contribute to the government agenda of border securitization.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xi (Novia) Chen ◽  
Tiana Lehmer

We investigate whether U.S. multinational corporations shift income overseas to the point of recording domestic pretax earnings around zero. We label firms with near-zero domestic earnings "Small" firms, and present evidence that Small captures targeted income shifting that minimizes worldwide and domestic current taxes. Because shifting essentially all income out of the U.S. represents a very aggressive form of international tax planning, Small firms represent an important margin for understanding the income shifting of U.S. MNCs. We find that firms facing tax incentives to shift income and firms with greater income shifting ability are more likely to report near-zero domestic earnings. In addition, investors value the earnings of Small firms higher than that of other U.S. multinational firms, conditional on overall profitability, suggesting that, on average, investors hold a positive view of income shifting to the point of recording domestic earnings around zero.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Laurence

This book traces how governments across Western Europe have responded to the growing presence of Muslim immigrants in their countries over the past fifty years. Drawing on hundreds of in-depth interviews with government officials and religious leaders in France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Morocco, and Turkey, the book challenges the widespread notion that Europe's Muslim minorities represent a threat to liberal democracy. The book documents how European governments in the 1970s and 1980s excluded Islam from domestic institutions, instead inviting foreign powers like Saudi Arabia, Algeria, and Turkey to oversee the practice of Islam among immigrants in European host societies. But since the 1990s, amid rising integration problems and fears about terrorism, governments have aggressively stepped up efforts to reach out to their Muslim communities and incorporate them into the institutional, political, and cultural fabrics of European democracy. The book places these efforts—particularly the government-led creation of Islamic councils—within a broader theoretical context and gleans insights from government interactions with groups such as trade unions and Jewish communities at previous critical junctures in European state-building. By examining how state–mosque relations in Europe are linked to the ongoing struggle for religious and political authority in the Muslim-majority world, the book sheds light on the geopolitical implications of a religious minority's transition from outsiders to citizens. This book offers a much-needed reassessment that foresees the continuing integration of Muslims into European civil society and politics in the coming decades.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


1973 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 433-437
Author(s):  
Sarfaraz Khan Qureshi

In the Summer 1973 issue of the Pakistan Development Review, Mr. Mohammad Ghaffar Chaudhry [1] has dealt with two very important issues relating to the intersectoral tax equity and the intrasectoral tax equity within the agricultural sector in Pakistan. Using a simple criterion for vertical tax equity that implies that the tax rate rises with per capita income such that the ratio of revenue to income rises at the same percentage rate as per capita income, Mr. Chaudhry found that the agricultural sector is overtaxed in Pakistan. Mr. Chaudhry further found that the land tax is a regressive levy with respect to the farm size. Both findings, if valid, have important policy implications. In this note we argue that the validity of the findings on intersectoral tax equity depends on the treatment of water rate as tax rather than the price of a service provided by the Government and on the shifting assumptions regard¬ing the indirect taxes on imports and domestic production levied by the Central Government. The relevance of the findings on the intrasectoral tax burden would have been more obvious if the tax liability was related to income from land per capita.


Author(s):  
Michael D. Metelits

The Arthur Crawford Scandal explores how nineteenth century Bombay tried a British official for corruption. The presidency government persuaded Indians, government officials, to testify against the very person who controlled their career by offering immunity from legal action and career punishment. A criminal conviction of Crawford’s henchman established the modus operandi of a bribery network. Subsequent efforts to intimidate Indian witnesses led to litigation at the high court level, resulting in a political pressure campaign in London based on biased press reports from India. These reports evoked questions in the House of Commons; questions became demands that Indians witnesses against Crawford be fired from government service. The secretary of state for India and the Bombay government negotiated about the fate of the Indian witnesses. At first, the secretary of state accepted the Bombay government’s proposals. But the press campaign against the Indian witnesses eventually led him to order the Government of India, in consultation with the Government of Bombay, to pass a law ordering those officials who paid Crawford willingly, to be fired. Those whom the Bombay government determined to be extorted were not to be fired. Both groups retained immunity from further actions at law. Thus, Bombay won a victory that almost saved its original guarantee of immunity: those who were fired were to receive their salary (along with periodic step increases) until they reached retirement age, at which time they would receive a pension. However, this ‘solution’ did little to overcome the stigma and suffering of the fired officials.


AMBIO ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 794-811 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linley Chiwona-Karltun ◽  
Franklin Amuakwa-Mensah ◽  
Caroline Wamala-Larsson ◽  
Salome Amuakwa-Mensah ◽  
Assem Abu Hatab ◽  
...  

AbstractLike the rest of the world, African countries are reeling from the health, economic and social effects of COVID-19. The continent’s governments have responded by imposing rigorous lockdowns to limit the spread of the virus. The various lockdown measures are undermining food security, because stay at home orders have among others, threatened food production for a continent that relies heavily on agriculture as the bedrock of the economy. This article draws on quantitative data collected by the GeoPoll, and, from these data, assesses the effect of concern about the local spread and economic impact of COVID-19 on food worries. Qualitative data comprising 12 countries south of the Sahara reveal that lockdowns have created anxiety over food security as a health, economic and human rights/well-being issue. By applying a probit model, we find that concern about the local spread of COVID-19 and economic impact of the virus increases the probability of food worries. Governments have responded with various efforts to support the neediest. By evaluating the various policies rolled out we advocate for a feminist economics approach that necessitates greater use of data analytics to predict the likely impacts of intended regulatory relief responses during the recovery process and post-COVID-19.


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