scholarly journals Strategi Komunikasi Pemasaran Politik Pada Pemilu Legislatif

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 184
Author(s):  
Primus Adeodatur Latu Batara ◽  
Guntur Freddy Prisanto ◽  
Niken Febrina Ernungtyas ◽  
Irwansyah Irwansyah ◽  
Safira Hasna

The large number of parties in the 2019 legislative elections made political parties have to compete for political power in their constituencies. Political marketing communication strategies are needed to get the most votes and win in the democratic event every 5 years in Indonesia. East Nusa Tenggara I became one of the electoral districts that experienced fierce competition among the political parties, due to the large number of elite legislative members and political activists in this area. However, Nasdem as a new party was able to gain the most votes and won the 2019 legislative elections. Therefore, the objective of this study is to understand how the political marketing communication strategy used by Nasdem in East Nusa Tenggara Province, especially in the NTT electoral district I to win the 2019 legislative elections. The research used the concept of political parties, political campaigns, and political marketing communication using a qualitative approach and in-depth interview techniques. As a result, sales oriented political party marketing communication strategies used by Nasdem in the 2019 elections in the electoral district of East Nusa Tenggara Province I won the most votes. This strategy aims to get the number of votes from potential voters, and the representation of parties and personal  figures that are 'sold' by political parties. Personal figures of the candidates have more impact  for winning legislative elections than political party ideologies.

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fahmi Nurdiansyah

The purpose of this research is to know the implementation in the political marketing of Gerindra Party and some factors encouraging the party to gain a wide range of constituent voters in the legislative elections 2014. The aforementioned evidence reveals that Gerindra Party approached middle class down society and youth, on determining intended voters and this party also focusing on small society (farmer, fisherman, labour, teacher and small trader). In terms of positioning, Gerindra Party put themselves in outside of the government and acknowledge them as the party for small society. In Indonesian political constellation, it can be seen that political party has a high correlation with the power of public figure to increase popularity and electability. Gerindra Party is still introduced Prabowo Subianto as a public figure who can be used to gain a number of voters for the party.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
Firdha Umari ◽  
Sulih Indra Dewi

This study aimed to find out the political communication strategies of women legislative candidates and what obstacles faced by them. This study used qualitative method and to determine the informants it was wit purposive sampling. Data collection techniques were through interviews and documentation. This study interviewed four woman candidates from different political parties in Malang, and for the first joining a legislative elections. The results of the political communication stretegies were a door to door, approaching religious and structural leaders, used political consultant and had a lot of campaign team were proven to effective in Malang. The obstacles for the women in involving in politics were lack of money and political knowledge and also multiple roles as house wives and ploticians became their internal issue.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. p34
Author(s):  
Budhy Prianto ◽  
Dwi Suharnoko

In the democratic countries, political party acts as mediator bridging communication between government and its citizens. The decline of political party taking place before and after the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections and legislative elections certainly affects the political parties in carrying out their roles. Conducted in Malang, objective of this study is to describe factors contributing declining image of political parties and its implications. The findings showed that image of political parties are deteriorating due to lack of trust towards the political parties and politicians in the parliament. The Decree on direct vote system for both presidential and regional head election and establishment of an open proportional system in legislative election also contribute to the deterioration. Implications of the phenomenon are negative attitude and declining interest towards political party.


Author(s):  
Joshua Alabi ◽  
Goski Alabi

Analysis of vote data suggests that, among other performance factors, ethnicity plays a major role in the acceptability of political marketing approaches of partisan politics in Ghana. This features quite prominently in the ethnic based voting pattern that has prevailed over the years and the communal voting pattern that is emerging in Ghana as a result of increasing urbanization. The analysis makes it evident that political parties with very strong ethnic support bases are those that have stood the test of time no matter what marketing tools or approaches are employed, though political marketing gains to a large extent depend on the features of the political product, the political product benefit and the political marketing support services. The paper compares the results of the four different elections of the Fourth Republic of Ghana and attempts to make inferences on the effects of ethnicity on the voting patterns of the four (4) Presidential elections in the Fourth Republic. The analysis uses the voting patterns as a pointer to the acceptability and effectiveness of a political partys marketing approach and by deduction, analyzes which political marketing variables contribute to the acceptability of political parties. It also attempts to generate understanding of the political marketing variables such as dimensions of the Political Market, the Political Product and the Political Product Support Services and compares effects of these variables with effects of ethnicity on political marketing outcomes in Ghana. The paper specifically compares features of the political product which include Party Philosophy, Perceived Party Identity, Manifesto, Political Party Leadership, Previous Performance, Particularistic Benefits, Party Paraphernalia on elections outcomes among identified or classified ethnic groups at regional or communal level. In addition, the analysis reveals that personality, perceived party image or identity of the political party and communication are salient in determining political marketing outcomes or fortunes of a political party and to a less extent political product benefits based on past performance and experiences, whereas effects of particularistic benefits and party paraphernalia or the political marketing support services are less prominent.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-374
Author(s):  
Nur’Ayni Itasari

Abstract: The selection process through the  (general) election mechanism can be identified with the electoral system ever implemented in the Islamic government. First, the electoral system of ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd which was carried out by the trust and allegiance. Second, the electoral system of ahl al-hall wa al-'aqd which was done through the periodic election, selection in society, and by the head of state. Parliamentary Threshold (PT) is a threshold mechanism in place at legislative elections (for parliament) with a percentage of 2.5% for the political parties which contested the election to follow the counting in the determination of the House of Representative’s seats. Parliamentary Threshold, according to Law No. 10 year 2008, article 202, paragraph 1 (regarding the election of members of DPR, DPD and DPRD) in the 2009 election, was implemented by calculating the minimum total of 2.5% of the valid votes in the national political party contestants. Then those parties were listed, which ones were the Parliamentary Threshold and which ones were not the Parliamentary Threshold to determine BPP to calculate the DPR’s seats for the electoral party  contestants that had passed the threshold.Keywords: Parliamentary threshold, general election, democracy, and constitution


Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Bella Adha Hendriana Moneter ◽  
Eko Harry Susanto

The 2019 legislative elections participated by many political parties in Indonesia, one of which was the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI). The more parties that participate in the General Election, the competition between each one of them become more strict in order to get a seat in parliament. Due to that reason, PSI did not pass on the DPR RI election level but somehow managed to get a 6.68% vote and get eight seats on the Jakarta DPRD election level. In this case, the purpose of this research is to study the political communication strategy of PSI Jakarta regarding the vote they got on Jakarta DPRD election level in 2019 General Election. This research is using the conceptualization of political policy, the conceptualization of political communication strategy, conceptualization of political policy, and conceptualization of political policy. political policy, and conceptualization of general elections as the theoretical basis. The research method in this research is a case study and the research approach in this research is descriptive-qualitative. The conclusion of this research shows that the political communication strategy used by PSI Jakarta to gain votes is by paying attention to the figures, stabilizing the institution, and creating togetherness. They also combined their politics communication strategy with the politics communication itself, in order to gain a lot more votes. Pemilu Legislatif Tahun 2019 diikuti banyak partai politik di Indonesia salah satunya partai baru, Partai Solidaritas Indonesia (PSI). Semakin banyak partai politik mengikuti Pemilu, semakin ketat kompetisi antar partai untuk mendapatkan kursi di parlemen. PSI tidak lolos memperebutkan kursi DPR RI, tetapi berhasil mendapatkan suara 6,68% atau delapan kursi di DPRD DKI Jakarta. Penelitian ini ingin mengetahui strategi komunikasi politik PSI Jakarta atas perolehan suara di DPRD DKI Jakarta pada Pemilu 2019. Landasan teoritik yang digunakan adalah konseptualisasi komunikasi politik, konseptualisasi strategi komunikasi politik, konseptualisasi partai politik, dan konseptualisasi pemilihan umum. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan strategi komunikasi politik PSI Jakarta untuk memperoleh suara yakni dengan merawat ketokohan, memantapkan kelembagaan, dan menciptakan kebersamaan. PSI Jakarta juga mengkombinasikan strategi komunikasi politik dengan unsur komunikasi politik.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 3 investigates the process of party formation in France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy, and demonstrates the important role of cultural and societal premises for the development of political parties in the nineteenth century. Particular attention is paid in this context to the conditions in which the two mass parties, socialists and Christian democrats, were established. A larger set of Western European countries included in this analysis is thoroughly scrutinized. Despite discontent among traditional liberal-conservative elites, full endorsement of the political party was achieved at the beginning of the twentieth century. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of the interwar totalitarian party, especially under the guise of Italian and German fascism, when ‘the party’ attained its most dominant influence as the sole source and locus of power. The chapter concludes by suggesting hidden and unaccounted heritages of that experience in post-war politics.


Author(s):  
Piero Ignazi

Chapter 1 introduces the long and difficult process of the theoretical legitimation of the political party as such. The analysis of the meaning and acceptance of ‘parties’ as tools of expressing contrasting visions moves forward from ancient Greece and Rome where (democratic) politics had first become a matter of speculation and practice, and ends up with the first cautious acceptance of parties by eighteenth-century British thinkers. The chapter explores how parties or factions have been constantly considered tools of division of the ‘common wealth’ and the ‘good society’. The holist and monist vision of a harmonious and compounded society, stigmatized parties and factions as an ultimate danger for the political community. Only when a new way of thinking, that is liberalism, emerged, was room for the acceptance of parties set.


Author(s):  
Benjamin von dem Berge ◽  
Thomas Poguntke

This chapter introduces a new, two-dimensional way of measuring intra-party democracy (IPD). It is argued that assembly-based IPD and plebiscitary IPD are two theoretically different modes of intra-party decision-making. Assembly-based IPD means that discussion and decision over a certain topic takes place at the same time. Plebiscitary IPD disconnects the act of voting from the discussion over the alternatives that are put to a vote. In addition, some parties have opened up plebiscitary decision-making to non-members which is captured by the concept of open plebiscitary IPD. Based on the Political Party Database Project (PPDB) dataset, indices are developed for the three variants of IPD. The empirical analyses here show that assembly-based and plebiscitary IPD are combined by political parties in different ways while open party plebiscites are currently a rare exception.


Author(s):  
Annika Hennl ◽  
Simon Tobias Franzmann

The formulation of policies constitutes a core business of political parties in modern democracies. Using the novel data of the Political Party Database (PPDB) Project and the data of the Manifesto Project (MARPOR), the authors of this chapter aim at a systematic test of the causal link between the intra-party decision mode on the electoral manifestos and the extent of programmatic change. What are the effects of the politics of manifesto formulation on the degree of policy change? Theoretically, the authors distinguish the drafting process from the final enactment of the manifesto. Empirically, they show that a higher autonomy of the party elite in formulating the manifesto leads to a higher degree of programmatic change. If party members constrain party elite’s autonomy, they tend to veto major changes.


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