scholarly journals “PLANTÃO DA CIDADE”: a study of local political participation and the constitution of subjectivities through Facebook

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. a14en
Author(s):  
Hila Rodrigues ◽  
Isabela Melo

The purpose of this article is to discuss the act of political participation by citizens mediated by communication technologies. It is an effort to understand the potential scenarios and paths for the promotion of citizen participation in the sphere of public power. The investigation took place through the observation of a specific space on Facebook: the Plantão da Cidade group, conceived in the municipality of Ouro Preto to enable political discussions. The proposed exam highlights the possibilities offered by the online environment to ensure the political participation of ordinary people in municipal management decisions and the mobilization of local community actions.

Author(s):  
Collen Sabao ◽  
Tendai Owen Chikara

The chapter examines and discusses the role and communicative potential of social media based platforms in citizen political participation and protests in Zimbabwe specifically focusing on the #thisflag movement on Facebook, Twitter and Whatsapp. #thisflag is a social media-based platform that rose to challenge the Zimbabwean government over the political and economic decay as well as rampant corruption characterising the country contemporarily. While a new phenomenon to Zimbabwe and Zimbabwean politics, the impact and communicative potential of social media as an alternative public sphere was recently tested in nationwide protest stayaway organised through the Facebook and Twitter movement under the #thisflag handle/brand. This chapter discusses the manners in which such social media platforms impact national politics in Zimbabwe as well as globally, specifically looking at the #thisflag movement as a case study.


2012 ◽  
pp. 1010-1017
Author(s):  
Seong-Jae Min

The democratic divide, or the political participation gap in cyberspace, raises a critical social question as it suggests that new communication technologies, which are expected to contribute to the development of all humans, actually widen the political inequalities among different segments of people. Studies of the democratic divide show that human behavior in cyberspace is not equal, as individuals possess different levels of digital literacy and political motivation. The democratic divide will likely persist in a variety of forms.


2020 ◽  
pp. 772-786
Author(s):  
Collen Sabao ◽  
Tendai Owen Chikara

The chapter examines and discusses the role and communicative potential of social media based platforms in citizen political participation and protests in Zimbabwe specifically focusing on the #thisflag movement on Facebook, Twitter and Whatsapp. #thisflag is a social media-based platform that rose to challenge the Zimbabwean government over the political and economic decay as well as rampant corruption characterising the country contemporarily. While a new phenomenon to Zimbabwe and Zimbabwean politics, the impact and communicative potential of social media as an alternative public sphere was recently tested in nationwide protest stayaway organised through the Facebook and Twitter movement under the #thisflag handle/brand. This chapter discusses the manners in which such social media platforms impact national politics in Zimbabwe as well as globally, specifically looking at the #thisflag movement as a case study.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Rena Juliana ◽  
Reni Juliani ◽  
Nurkhalis Nurkhalis

Indonesia adheres to a democratic system of government. Each citizen, on the basis of the choice of ordinary people, chooses free political participation and then changes their direction as a sympathizer. Today, the excitement of political participation in Indonesian society to spread on Aceh has been somewhat hurt because some people have changed the political climate to be bad. This is reflected in the previous political participation side by side to deliver rhetoric to reap the voice of the people, but it has become a competition for each other. The purpose of this study is to find out what types of political participation occurred in constituents in Banda Aceh and West Aceh and who are the actors or groups that weaken or strengthen political participation in the constituents. The research method used is a qualitative approach with informants consisting of key informants, subject informants and non-subject informants. The results showed that the types of political participation in the constituents of Banda Aceh and West Aceh were very different and that sympathizers and political actors continued to strengthen and weaken the constituents. It is expected that this research will be a comparative study of the dynamics of policy in the Aceh region.


Author(s):  
Egon Montecinos ◽  
Patricio Contreras

This article describes and characterizes the current state of citizen participation at the municipal level in Chile, taking as reference the law 20.500. The objective is to identify the main factors that are influencing the dynamic disparate of implementation of the law, based on a study conducted in fifty-two municipalities. It is argued that there are municipalities that meet minimum participation standards, but in the great majority it has not been gravitating. Some reasons that would be influencing this dynamic, they are the low incentives of the law to incorporate citizen participation in municipal management, the excessive dependence on the political will of mayors to initiate it, the municipal financial precariousness to sustain it. The main conclusion is that the contributions of the law to municipal participatory democracy have been low, persisting a representative local democracy of low intensity and associated with exclusively procedural aspects.


Author(s):  
Kingsley Chukwuemeka Izuogu

Every era in life throws up its own opportunities and challenges, and here we are, in a digital era made possible by advancements in information and communication technologies. That being the case, it will amount to self-deceit for anybody in this era to pretend that the advancements in information and communication technologies do not have any effects on the political, social, cultural and religious lives of the people. At the political arena, the advent of digital media has brought about an entirely different type of politicking and campaigns referred to as digital political campaigns. This type of campaign permits politicians to reach out to the electorate through digital platforms without necessarily embarking on rallies. As a matter of truth, the technologies of those digital media and their resultant online platforms have not only bridged the communication gap between content-creators and content-consumers; but have even gone a long way in turning the communication process into a more interactive, participatory and democratic dialogue. Thus, the public communication sphere has been flung wide-open for public participation without restrictions. By the very nature of the digital media (interactive, participatory and democratic); it could be assumed that anybody with an internet-enabled device can become a partaker in the communication process. But such an assumption may forever remain conjecture until it is connected or experimented upon. To that end, this study investigated the use of digital media for political participation in the 2019 general elections in Nigeria. It adopted the survey method of research to determine: (i) the most-frequently-used digital media for political participation of Nigerian youths in the 2019 elections (ii) the amount of time Nigerian youths spent on the digital media for political participation in the 2019 elections (iii) the number of times Nigerian youths visited the digital media for political participation in the 2019 elections (iv) the gratifications which Nigerian youths sought from the digital media and (v) the relationship between use of the digital media and political-needs gratification among Nigerian youths.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paweł CIEŚLIŃSKI

The theme of the article is to check whether in democratic Poland, the institution of localreferendum an import role in the life of the local community. This form of political participation isa „tool” of the legal expression of political decisions by the local communities. Mainly explain, youmodel a local referendum in Poland is functional or dysfunctional – almost, in the bodies responsiblefor the referendum process from the moment of submission of the application until the end of votingand perhaps in the political apathy of local communities?


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Fortunat Miarintsoa Andrianimanana ◽  
Carles Roca-Cuberes

Abstract This article analyses the political blogging of the Malagasy diaspora as part of their transnational political participation. It focuses on three aspects of the blogs: the most frequent topics addressed, how are the topics addressed, and the political bloggers. To do this, a Thematic Content Analysis based on four categories (‘soapboxes’, ‘transmission belts’, ‘conversation starters’ and ‘mobilisers’) of four of their most active and influential political blogs was conducted. The analysis revealed that (i) the blogs are mostly “soapboxes” that consist of commenting the political issues in Madagascar, (ii) their contents were mostly focused on the coup d’ état in 2009, and (iii) the bloggers are involved in direct political participation in parallel offline. This paper shows the role of the studied blogs as tribunes of opinions that gather a partisan audience discussing the Malagasy political issues, and as judgment tools contributing to the braking or fuelling of Madagascar’s international relations.


Author(s):  
Aris Riswandi Sanusi

ABSTRACT Indonesia is one of democratic state which exposed to low levels of citizen participation. But actually, participation is a key concept that must be owned by citizens in a democracy state. Therefore, we need political education as an effort to create citizens who are able to participate with responsibility. This is in accordance with the opinion of Hajer, which states that political education is a form of human effort to be a responsible participant in politics, so that people know about their political rights (Brownhill and Smart in Elly Hasan Sadeli, et al, 2009:19). The political education among college students organized for young people through the organization such as HMI, KAMMI and GMNI. Keywords: Political Education, Political Participation ABSTRAK Indonesia merupakan salah satu negara demokrasi yang dihadapkan pada rendahnya tingkat partisipasi warga negaranya. Padahal partisipasi merupakan konsep utama yang harus dimiliki warga negara dalam negara demokrasi. Oleh karena itu, perlu adanya pendidikan politik sebagai upaya untuk menciptakan warga negara yang mampu berpartisipasi dengan tanggung jawab. Hal ini sesuai dengan pendapat Hajer yang menyebutkan bahwa pendidikan politik adalah usaha membentuk manusia menjadi partisipan yang bertanggung jawab dalam politik, sehingga masyarakat mengerti tentang hak politiknya (Robert Brownhill dan Patricia Smart dalam Elly Hasan Sadeli, dkk, 2009:19). Adapun pendidikan politik tersebut diantaranya diselenggarakan bagi mahasiswa sebagai generasi muda melalui organisasi HMI, KAMMI, dan GMNI. Kata kunci: Pendidikan Politik, Partisipasi Politik


Author(s):  
Daniel Deimel ◽  
Hermann J. Abs

AbstractAmong the different factors that predict political participation, the characteristics of the local community are often described. The types and the intensity of political participation differ in urban and rural communities. The local community provides social and cultural resources for political participation and at the same time acts as a driver of political socialisation. The political attitudes of adolescents differ depending on the characteristics of the communities in which they live, i.e. the local context of their political socialisation. This paper describes the context of the political socialisation of adolescents in the German federal state of North Rhine-Westphalia (NRW) in terms of geographical differences in socioeconomic, sociostructural, and sociocultural characteristics. The approach uses public databases to construct indicators that describe administrative districts in terms of their degree of urbanisation, degree of aggregated individual wealth, and variety of opportunity. These indicators were merged with the NRW subset of the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS 2016), which comprises N = 1451 students in N = 59 schools. Neither the degree of urbanisation nor the degree of aggregated individual wealth was suitable for explaining differences in the intended political behaviour of secondary school students in the 8th grade in NRW. However, the higher the variety of opportunity in a certain district, the less frequently students intend to participate in elections as adults. Also, the higher the measure, the more frequently students intend to participate in illegal protest activities. Apparently certain local environments mobilise intentions to participate in protest activities and suppress more conventional political activities.


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