scholarly journals DRAMATURGI DALAM PROSES LEGISLASI

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 42
Author(s):  
Tulus Tampubolon ◽  
Guntur Freddy Prisanto ◽  
Niken Febrina Ernungtyas ◽  
Irwansyah Irwansyah ◽  
Sekartaji Anisa Putri

Abstract As a political communicator, members of the DPR RI need to realize good political communication for the sake of the continuation of democracy. The Indonesian Parliament as a political actor that has an important role in the sustainability of democracy needs to manage their political communication from the front stage, back stage, and impression management aspects according to Goffman's theory as well as possible. In this study, it was examined how the political communication of the Indonesian Parliament in revising Law No. 32 of 2002 using the Goffman drama theory. The method used in this research is qualitative research using observation data collection techniques to three groups of the Republic of Indonesia DPR. From this dramaturgical analysis the researchers found that DPR groups had three front stages and one backstage each. Also found was a shadowing stage faced by the DPR in carrying out political communication activities. Political communication behavior carried out at the front stage is more formal and prioritizes the interests of the community. As is the case at the back stage, political communication is more relaxed and personal and group interests emerge. Key words:  Dramaturgy, Legislative Dramaturgy, Indonesian Parliament Dramaturgy   Abstrak Sebagai komunikator politik, anggota DPR RI perlu mewujudkan komunikasi politik yang baik demi kelangsungan demokrasi. DPR RI sebagai aktor politik yang memiliki peran penting dalam keberlangsungan demokrasi perlu mengelola komunikasi politik mereka dari aspek front stage, back stage, serta impression management sesuai dengan teori Goffman sebaik mungkin. Dalam penelitian ini diteliti bagaimana komunikasi politik DPR RI dalam melakukan revisi UU No. 32 tahun 2002 dengan menggunakan teori dramatugri Goffman. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini ialah penelitian kualitatif menggunakan teknik pengumpulan data observasi kepada tiga kelompok DPR RI. Dari analisis dramaturgi ini peneliti menemukan temuan bahwa kelompok-kelompok DPR memiliki masing-masing tiga pangung depan dan satu panggung belakang. Ditemukan juga panggung bayangan yang dihadapi oleh DPR dalam menjalankan kegiatan komunikasi politik. Perilaku komunikasi politik yang dilakukan pada front stage bersifat lebih formal dan mengutamakan kepentingan masyarakat. Lain halnya dengan yang dilakukan pada back stage, komunikasi politik bersifat lebih santai dan muncul kepentingan-kepentingan pribadi maupun kelompok. Kata kunci:  Dramaturgi; Dramaturgi Legislasi; Dramaturgi DPR

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 42
Author(s):  
Tulus Tampubolon ◽  
Guntur Freddy Prisanto ◽  
Niken Febrina Ernungtyas ◽  
Irwansyah Irwansyah ◽  
Sekartaji Anisa Putri

Abstract As a political communicator, members of the DPR RI need to realize good political communication for the sake of the continuation of democracy. The Indonesian Parliament as a political actor that has an important role in the sustainability of democracy needs to manage their political communication from the front stage, back stage, and impression management aspects according to Goffman's theory as well as possible. In this study, it was examined how the political communication of the Indonesian Parliament in revising Law No. 32 of 2002 using the Goffman drama theory. The method used in this research is qualitative research using observation data collection techniques to three groups of the Republic of Indonesia DPR. From this dramaturgical analysis the researchers found that DPR groups had three front stages and one backstage each. Also found was a shadowing stage faced by the DPR in carrying out political communication activities. Political communication behavior carried out at the front stage is more formal and prioritizes the interests of the community. As is the case at the back stage, political communication is more relaxed and personal and group interests emerge. Key words:  Dramaturgy, Legislative Dramaturgy, Indonesian Parliament Dramaturgy   Abstrak Sebagai komunikator politik, anggota DPR RI perlu mewujudkan komunikasi politik yang baik demi kelangsungan demokrasi. DPR RI sebagai aktor politik yang memiliki peran penting dalam keberlangsungan demokrasi perlu mengelola komunikasi politik mereka dari aspek front stage, back stage, serta impression management sesuai dengan teori Goffman sebaik mungkin. Dalam penelitian ini diteliti bagaimana komunikasi politik DPR RI dalam melakukan revisi UU No. 32 tahun 2002 dengan menggunakan teori dramatugri Goffman. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini ialah penelitian kualitatif menggunakan teknik pengumpulan data observasi kepada tiga kelompok DPR RI. Dari analisis dramaturgi ini peneliti menemukan temuan bahwa kelompok-kelompok DPR memiliki masing-masing tiga pangung depan dan satu panggung belakang. Ditemukan juga panggung bayangan yang dihadapi oleh DPR dalam menjalankan kegiatan komunikasi politik. Perilaku komunikasi politik yang dilakukan pada front stage bersifat lebih formal dan mengutamakan kepentingan masyarakat. Lain halnya dengan yang dilakukan pada back stage, komunikasi politik bersifat lebih santai dan muncul kepentingan-kepentingan pribadi maupun kelompok. Kata kunci:  Dramaturgi; Dramaturgi Legislasi; Dramaturgi DPR


1978 ◽  
Vol 74 ◽  
pp. 241-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara L. K. Pillsbury

The importance of “face” (lien or mien-tzu) has long been recognized as a prime determinant of Chinese behavioural patterns whether those of an individual or of a group. We also know that the Confucian emphasis on “harmony” (ho-p'ing) has long constituted a basic ideal in Chinese inter-personal relations. Recently social scientists have drawn attention to “impression management” and to the relatively great disparities in some societies between an individual's or group's “front region,” “front-stage” or “public sphere” behaviour and the contradictory “back region,” “back-stage” or “closed sphere” behaviour. Applying these concepts in a Chinese society which still purports to uphold Confucian ideals we find that the front-stage impression a group seeks and often manages to convey is one of unity and harmony. Closer inspection may reveal, however, that, back-stage, factionalism is rife.


2018 ◽  
pp. 173-179
Author(s):  
Gisky Andria Putra

The phenomenon of beggars is a problem faced by many cities, including Padang city. Permindo street of Padang city is a strategic location to serve as the location of the activity of begging. There are some beggars who take advantage of the real physical limitations, and there also beggars deliberately creating impressions as a beggar. The problem is how the beggars creating impressions on themselves to bring in the mercy of the other people (prospective benefactors). The purpose of this study is to describe how form the impression management that created by beggars. This research was carried out by using qualitative research methods and the type is descriptive. From the results of the data obtained, impression management by beggars, covering by verbal and non verbal aspects. Verbal aspect that used in front stage area (front stage) by saying Assalamualaikum and Alhamdulillah, while the non-verbal aspects include tone of voice, body language, appearance, face expressions, tools, and mystification. In the back stage area (back stage), beggars doing impression management through tone of voice, body language, appearance, and face expressions. Beggars showing a different impression on the two settings. In front stage area (front stage), beggars deliberately forming an impression to get a gift or alms from others (prospective benefactors), while in the back stage area (back stage), beggars forming an impression as ordinary people in a social environment.


Author(s):  
Thomas Mergel

One of the phenomena of the Weimar Republic most in need of explanation is the rapid change from an initially widespread and overwhelming approval of the republic, to vast parts of society turning away from democracy just a few years later. This chapter explores the Reichstag elections and political communication around them as a manifestation of political group affiliations, traditions, and political expectations. Voting rights were expanded significantly, with democratic inclusion taking on new dimensions. However, this did not fundamentally challenge traditional affiliations to political camps. The radicalization of the electorate was a process that largely occurred within the political camps. This resulted in a culture of antagonism becoming more dominant, which, at the same time, clashed with the widespread longing for a homogeneous ‘people’s community’ and organic leadership.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-26
Author(s):  
Refly Setiawan ◽  
Munadhil Abdul Muqsith ◽  
Gine Putri Pertiwi ◽  
Siti Indarini Nur Faizah ◽  
Mohamad Fikri Sulthan

Political parties reflect a democratic state, which is believed to be a condition for modern state life. As institutions for channeling interests, political parties are used as communication with a two-way function, namely, top-down and bottom-up. If this can be carried out well, then political parties' function as political socialization, political participation, political communication, articulation of interests, aggregation of interests, and policymaking can run well to realize the expected political development. The research method used in this research is qualitative research methods. Through qualitative research, the author has created a complex picture, examined words, reviewed detailed reports from the point of view of resource persons, and conducted studies on natural situations. This study aims to determine political parties' development in the Russian Republic of Tatarstan, political parties' function, and political development amid a society in this modern era. The problem in this research is that political parties in Russia tend to have their own interests, either from the central government or the state or Federation governments. In addition, there tends to be a mismatch between the central and state governments in decision making. In fact, in the context political parties can be a tool for realizing development in a country. Even though there are problems, the results showed that political parties in the Republic of Tatarstan rated quite well in carrying out their functions by the functions of political parties according to the Law of the Russian Federation and the Law of the Republic of Tatarstan concerning Political Parties. The development of political parties in the Tatarstan Republic has played a role in controlling conflicts of interest among the Republic of Tatarstan.


2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-198
Author(s):  
Ega Indiana ◽  
Irzal Anderson ◽  
Dona Sariani

This study aims to determine the political communication strategy of the winning team, the strengths and weaknesses as well as the causes of the low vote acquisition of Fachrori-Syafril in the 2020 simultaneous regional elections in Jambi Province. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method which emphasizes the in-depth aspects of a problem. The results of this study indicate that the political communication strategy used by the Fachrori-Syafril winning team still has problems and obstacles that cause the low vote acquisition for candidate pair number 02 Fachrori-Syafril in the 2020 Simultaneous Regional Head Elections in Jambi Province. This is due to limited campaign factors, new people in the political realm, candidate management does not work and the disappointment factor from the community.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-97
Author(s):  
Haris Sasilo ◽  
Sapta Sari ◽  
Indria Indria

This study aims to determine the political communication strategy of the golongan Karya (golkar) party in regional head elections. Data retrieval techniques that researchers use are interviews, documentation, and observation. Data collection techniques by purposive sampling by taking informants as many as 3 people. This study uses a qualitative descriptive method using the positioning theory from adam nursal (andianus pito: 2013) consisting of 1) policy is an offer of work programs delivered by candidates to the pubic 2)person is a candidate who has high quality and track record 3). This party is an apolitical product that has been done by the Golkar party 4). Presentation is the presentation of work programs submitted by the golkar party to the pubic directly. The results of the research and discussion that the positioning theory carried out by the DPD golongan Karya (Golkar) party is able to take sympathy and can influence the message conveyed to the public.


Author(s):  
Larisa A. Zaytseva

Introduction. The social function of a public opinion leader is to draw public attention to the most important issues of public life, participate in public discussions, explain and influence public opinion. Political communication is implemented in two dimensions – pragmatic and symbolic, which have very close relationships. The symbolic dimension develops and promotes ideas about society that create, maintain, or destroy political identity. For external target groups of image-making (political and business elites, decision-makers at the federal level, investors, highly qualified migrants, partially residents of other regions), significant repeaters of information about the region are representatives of state authorities and management, leaders of political parties and socio-political movements, bright representatives of the political opposition, etc. Materials and Methods. The research methodology was based on the method of cognitive mapping, which allowed analyzing and visualizing information transmitted by public opinion leaders about the regional space, determining the specifics of the perception of the Republic in the external power environment, and a historical and evolutionary approach that made it possible to trace the evolution of content. Time period of the study: 2012–2019. The study traced a series of judgments, stable expressions used by political and public figures about Mordovia, its potential, development prospects, and its leadership. Results and Discussion. Public opinion leaders (political and business elite, party figures, opposition, etc.) are significant repeaters of information about the region. Political communication is implemented in two main dimensions – pragmatic and symbolic, where the latter involves not rational understanding, but the suggestion of stable meanings. Symbolic politics has always been used by the authorities, especially in times of crisis, so the opinions conveyed by person-images become the basis of symbolic capital that promotes ideas about society (territory), creates, supports or destroys political identity. The external image of the Republic of Mordovia, which is formed on the basis of broadcast opinions, is contradictory. During the study period, we can note some evolution of the image of the Republic, broadcast by the leaders of public opinion. Attention to the region is noticeably increasing due to significant events of various scales. The high authority of the former leadership and loyal “electoral behavior” of the region contributed to the creation and broadcast of a positive image from the federal government and was a reason for criticism from opposition leaders. The celebration of the Millennium of unity of the Mordovian people with the peoples of the Russian state in 2012 was perceived positively by the majority of public opinion leaders and was actively broadcast in the media. The inclusion of Saransk among the host cities of the world football championship was received ambiguously: from a positive assessment to skeptical doubts about the correctness of such a choice. The legacy of the championship was not only the modernized infrastructure, but also the aggravated socio-economic problems of the region, which could not but affect its external image. Discussion and Conclusions. Thus, the positive image of the “territory of innovation”, “dynamically developing region with high-quality agricultural products” and “region of spiritual revival” coexists with the image of the territory of “total falsification”. The nature of the broadcast opinions is closely related to the peculiarities of the political situation and the official/oppositional position of the leader of public opinion in the discourse space.


Author(s):  
Alexander B. Alexeev

The article dwells on the notion of the language personality of the politician-as-actor interpreted within the framework of the politainment theory: the term used in the paper does not indicate the previous profession of a politician but rather describes one of the peculiarities of the political discourse, viz. its theatricality. The paper argues that when political communication is being transformed into politainment, theatricality becomes its key component. Politainment is interpreted here as a hybrid type of political discourse including elements of mass-media and everyday spheres of communication, allowing to orient them at entertainment. Since the language of politainment performs a ludic function, it has often recourse to language game. For the communicative approach of the politician-as-actor it is typical to avoid serious consideration of political topics, to make use of communicative techniques which allow to simplify political problems. It is normal for him to recourse to vulgar language, offensive or otherwise insulting devices such as hyperboles, exaggerations, grotesque. The politician using techniques of politainement is a resourceful individual who can easily give metalinguistic comments, employ puns, euphemisms, dysphemisms, similes, hyperboles and other rhetoric means. Just like a traditional politician, the ‘actor’ is manipulative: he plays out different roles but, first and foremost, he is a star, a celebrity and a glamorous person. In this sense, the politician-as-actor has something in common with musicians and professional sportsmen. It is not unusual for the politainment to borrow their vocabulary: sports, musical instruments, names of musical groups and performers may be mentioned. Such a political actor “sets records”, “competes” with his political opponents, “knocks them out”, etc. To conclude, we may say that ‘actors’ take initiative to dominate on the contemporary political scene and to set a new trend in political communication. In this sense, politainment is not a phenomenon which is represented by orations of only several “linguistically creative” politicians; it is much wider, it influences the whole standard of political communication.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Willment

Abstract Through analysis of empirical fieldwork conducted with British travel bloggers, this paper details a novel and significant investigation into the nuances of self-presentation and performances inherent in travel blogging work, through the lens of digital nomadism. Working with Goffman’s (The presentation of self in everyday life. Penguin, London, 1959) ideas of front and back regionalisation, the paper explores the distinct ways in which digital nomadism is performed by the travel blogger. Firstly, the paper highlights how performances of digital nomadism are integral to the successful self-presentation of the travel blogger as an aspirational worker. Next, it showcases how travel bloggers use performances of digital nomadism in the strategic complication of the front and back-stage of their work, in order to demonstrate authenticity to their audience. The paper then considers how travel bloggers undertake performances of digital nomadism, explicitly within the front-stage to aid in their overall impression management of being a travel blogger. Subsequently, the paper turns to discussions of how technology becomes utilised in performances of digital nomadism which flow across the travel blogger’s front and back-stage. Finally, the paper reviews how, through performances of digital nomadism, the travel blogger appropriates their own back-stage leading to issues of overwork and precarity. The paper’s original contribution lies in its use of the lens of digital nomadism to enable us to explore and reimagine the workplace performances of travel bloggers. In doing so, the paper is able to speculate on the nuances and motivations implicit in these performances, digging deeper into issues of online self-presentation, authenticity and place.


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