scholarly journals Politainment and the influence of its strategies on the language personality of the politician

Author(s):  
Alexander B. Alexeev

The article dwells on the notion of the language personality of the politician-as-actor interpreted within the framework of the politainment theory: the term used in the paper does not indicate the previous profession of a politician but rather describes one of the peculiarities of the political discourse, viz. its theatricality. The paper argues that when political communication is being transformed into politainment, theatricality becomes its key component. Politainment is interpreted here as a hybrid type of political discourse including elements of mass-media and everyday spheres of communication, allowing to orient them at entertainment. Since the language of politainment performs a ludic function, it has often recourse to language game. For the communicative approach of the politician-as-actor it is typical to avoid serious consideration of political topics, to make use of communicative techniques which allow to simplify political problems. It is normal for him to recourse to vulgar language, offensive or otherwise insulting devices such as hyperboles, exaggerations, grotesque. The politician using techniques of politainement is a resourceful individual who can easily give metalinguistic comments, employ puns, euphemisms, dysphemisms, similes, hyperboles and other rhetoric means. Just like a traditional politician, the ‘actor’ is manipulative: he plays out different roles but, first and foremost, he is a star, a celebrity and a glamorous person. In this sense, the politician-as-actor has something in common with musicians and professional sportsmen. It is not unusual for the politainment to borrow their vocabulary: sports, musical instruments, names of musical groups and performers may be mentioned. Such a political actor “sets records”, “competes” with his political opponents, “knocks them out”, etc. To conclude, we may say that ‘actors’ take initiative to dominate on the contemporary political scene and to set a new trend in political communication. In this sense, politainment is not a phenomenon which is represented by orations of only several “linguistically creative” politicians; it is much wider, it influences the whole standard of political communication.

Author(s):  
I. V. Smirnova

Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector) as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse) is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain).


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 42
Author(s):  
Tulus Tampubolon ◽  
Guntur Freddy Prisanto ◽  
Niken Febrina Ernungtyas ◽  
Irwansyah Irwansyah ◽  
Sekartaji Anisa Putri

Abstract As a political communicator, members of the DPR RI need to realize good political communication for the sake of the continuation of democracy. The Indonesian Parliament as a political actor that has an important role in the sustainability of democracy needs to manage their political communication from the front stage, back stage, and impression management aspects according to Goffman's theory as well as possible. In this study, it was examined how the political communication of the Indonesian Parliament in revising Law No. 32 of 2002 using the Goffman drama theory. The method used in this research is qualitative research using observation data collection techniques to three groups of the Republic of Indonesia DPR. From this dramaturgical analysis the researchers found that DPR groups had three front stages and one backstage each. Also found was a shadowing stage faced by the DPR in carrying out political communication activities. Political communication behavior carried out at the front stage is more formal and prioritizes the interests of the community. As is the case at the back stage, political communication is more relaxed and personal and group interests emerge. Key words:  Dramaturgy, Legislative Dramaturgy, Indonesian Parliament Dramaturgy   Abstrak Sebagai komunikator politik, anggota DPR RI perlu mewujudkan komunikasi politik yang baik demi kelangsungan demokrasi. DPR RI sebagai aktor politik yang memiliki peran penting dalam keberlangsungan demokrasi perlu mengelola komunikasi politik mereka dari aspek front stage, back stage, serta impression management sesuai dengan teori Goffman sebaik mungkin. Dalam penelitian ini diteliti bagaimana komunikasi politik DPR RI dalam melakukan revisi UU No. 32 tahun 2002 dengan menggunakan teori dramatugri Goffman. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini ialah penelitian kualitatif menggunakan teknik pengumpulan data observasi kepada tiga kelompok DPR RI. Dari analisis dramaturgi ini peneliti menemukan temuan bahwa kelompok-kelompok DPR memiliki masing-masing tiga pangung depan dan satu panggung belakang. Ditemukan juga panggung bayangan yang dihadapi oleh DPR dalam menjalankan kegiatan komunikasi politik. Perilaku komunikasi politik yang dilakukan pada front stage bersifat lebih formal dan mengutamakan kepentingan masyarakat. Lain halnya dengan yang dilakukan pada back stage, komunikasi politik bersifat lebih santai dan muncul kepentingan-kepentingan pribadi maupun kelompok. Kata kunci:  Dramaturgi; Dramaturgi Legislasi; Dramaturgi DPR


Litera ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 18-28
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Petrovich Evlasev ◽  
Larisa Alekseevna Sychugova

This article is dedicated to examination of the questions of functionality of evaluative lexis in political discourse of the United States. The relevance of the topic is substantiated by the heightened interests of research towards the peculiarities of expressing evaluative meanings in various types of discourse. In modern linguistics, the analysis of functionality of evaluative lexis in the political discourse is of unequivocal interest, since axiological interpretation significantly affects the life of modern society. Research methodology is comprised of the work of such Russian linguists as I. S. Alekseeva, A. A. Ufimtseva, T. A. Znamenskaya, N. D. Arutyunova, and others. Special attention is given to the method of realization of negative evaluations. The goal of this  article consists in the methods of expression of evaluative meanings s using stylistic means, as the language is an effective weapon in the world of politics. The political texts of US mass media served as the material for this research due to the fact that mass media influence the formation of public opinion, the course of political discussions and referendums, rating of political and public figures, political parties, and public organizations. The conducted analysis demonstrates that the US political discourse includes different lexical and stylistic means applied for exertion of ideological influence, as well as formation of certain attitudes on certain realities of political life among the recipients.


Author(s):  
Olena Ilienko ◽  
Liudmyla Shumeiko

The rapid spread of Internet communication nowadays has changed the conditions under which political communication takes place, although its purpose remains the same – influence for the sake of power. The article analyzes and summarizes the directions and trends in the study of political discourse, which is the context of political utterance, utterance itself and its perception. It is noted that the Internet has proved to be a new effective way of informing, persuading, arguing and manipulating the mass consciousness, accelerating the process of providing information and changing its format, including for manipulative purposes. It is revealed that the Internet has formed new genres and forms of political communication, providing an opportunity to get feedback from the political message and creating the appearance of direct communication between politicians and the public. The study of political discourse by researchers today is multi-vector: in a purely linguistic direction (the language of political statements); in linguistic and pragmatic direction (how the functions of political discourse are realized); anthropocentric (political personality); sociolinguistic (society’s reaction to the political activities of the subjects) and others. As the field of politics is constantly changing, responding to global, socio-political, economic circumstances, its analysis, including by linguists, provides and will always provide new material for further research.


Diksi ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anang Santoso

The grammar of the Indonesian language is greatly made use of inpolitical discourse and especially after the era of the Old Order. Via grammaticalforms, the political elite fights for its power and ideology, both explicitly andimplicitly, causing an unbalanced political communication. A research study thisarticle is about was conducted to (1) describe and interpret the utilization ofgrammaticality in political discourse and (2) clarify why certain grammaticalforms are paid special attention while others are not.The study applied a critical qualitative approach with a “critical discourseanalysis” design from Fairclough (1989: 1995). In this perspective, no textproduced by the political elite is neutral from political interest. Discourse is asocial construction and results from social-historical and political conditions.There is no discourse which is a social vacuum. Discourse is a social creationreflecting the interests of certain social groups.The research results indicate that (1) each group of the Indonesianpolitical elite uses transitivity with material meaning, agent nominalization, thepassive voice, and the negative form to show its power and hide its ideologicalposition, (2) each assumes the role of information provider, shows its authority inthe presence of the other groups and the Indonesian society, and asserts its powerby choosing to use the personal pronouns we and I, (3) it makes considerable use ofmodality expressing authority, and (4) there are institutional and cultural processesexplaining why certain grammatical forms are paid special attention while othersare not.Keywords: grammaticality, political discourse


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2 (12)) ◽  
pp. 88-95
Author(s):  
Ruzanna Arustamyan

The article is devoted to the description of gender peculiarities in political discourse. The differences of male and female speeches aim to determine the degree of effectiveness of the impact of gendered approaches in political communication on male and female audiences. We may observe obvious differences between male and female speeches. It is conditioned by biological differences and social roles and stereotypes fixed in the society. Sometimes female politicians tend to imitate male speech behavior in order to defend their positions and the right to participate in the political life of their country.


2020 ◽  
Vol 114 (4) ◽  
pp. 1280-1296
Author(s):  
ANDREW STARK

Wedges and frames, two much-studied strategies of American political combat, are generally thought to be partisan weapons, meant to manipulate voters into making trade-offs that favor the political actor wielding them. My inquiry here explores whether there exists anything comparably schematic to wedges and frames at work in attempts by American politicians not to polarize but to find consensus, not to cater to extremes but moderate them. Despite the seeming paucity of such efforts in American public discourse, there is one such common and as-yet untheorized scheme, which uses the two issue positions involved in wedges to overcome the ill effects of reframing and the two value dimensions involved in reframing to overcome the ill effects of wedges. I elaborate this discursive structure by examining its presence in a number of American political debates, showing how it differs from other contemporary normative-theoretic frameworks for understanding compromise in American politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (98) ◽  
pp. 38-54
Author(s):  
ELENA M. IVANOVA

The article examines the representation issues regarding the basic opposition of the political discourse OWN - ALIEN in the discursive practices of modern Russian nationalism, gives a general description of the opposition OWN - ALIEN in the space of political communication, presents linguistic and pragmatic parameters of this opposition in the texts byEgorKholmogorov.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 56-74
Author(s):  
Mihail Martynov ◽  
D. Serdyukov

The article analyzes the concept of «crisis» as an attribute of symbolic politics, which is reflected in the socio-political discourse. The aim was to study the concept of «crisis» as a tool for the struggle of discourses depending on the political interests of actors. The most important source of modern socio-political discourse is the mass media. In this regard, the study of the manifestations of the concept of «crisis» was carried out using the tools of content analysis and qualitative analysis of the text. As a result of the analysis of the content of the Russian federal and regional mass media, the hypothesis that the concept of «crisis» is used in the struggle of discourses, taking semantic meanings determined by the political interests of actors, were confirmed. The predominance of crisis content in the federal press is recorded. It is also noted that the federal and regional media do not so much broadcast a picture of reality, as they take part in the transformation of ideas about this reality. The data and conclusions obtained as a result of the study allow us to further more objectively assess the motivational and substantive aspects of the escalation of crisis situations in the public field.


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