scholarly journals A contemplation on ‘Sultana’s Dream’

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Priyanka Chakrabarty
Keyword(s):  
Muslim Women ◽  
Individual Growth ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
The Public ◽  
Patriarchal Culture ◽  
Scientific World ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Muslim Communities

Sultana’s Dream is a piece written by most prolific Muslim woman intellectual Rokeya Shekhawat, published The Ladies Magazine She spoke against the patriarchy in Muslim community. Her “ The Sultana’s Dream” depicts a dream sequence but it is not simply a sequence for entertainment. It rather speaks for a transformation in society to bring women out the boundaries of four walls of home and to work in the public sphere without interference of men, at all. Through a dream she challenges the dogmas, associated with Muslim women. Her own life is an example of many such practices, like confinement in a jenana system,This piece attempts to review the how beautifully the text is written and how it is radically forceful that encourages the readers to think of the degraded conditions of women and how women particularly, never question the same. She brings about certain unbelievable sequence during those days when Rokeya Shekhawat was wrting. At that time, women’s education itself was taboo. But some consensus were developed by the reformers in both Hindu and Muslim communities. But for them education for women was essential so that she become a good companion for her husband and a good mother. An idea that women needs education for her individual growth was very rare. In spite of living and growing in such society, it is contemplative as how she could manage to be so radical in her thoughts to challenge the patriarchal culture itself. She had managed to bring women in politics and scientific world which was traditionally male dominated. She had pronounced certain scientific marvels which is relevant even today. Her idea womens’ participation in politics is simply ahead of her time but relevant in contemporary Indian politics. Here, an attempt has been made to review her pioneering work.

scholarly journals ‘They Make Us Feel Like We’re a Virus’: The Multiple Impacts of Islamophobic Hostility Towards Veiled Muslim Women

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 44-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irene Zempi ◽  
Neil Chakraborti
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Data ◽  
Muslim Women ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
Multiple Impacts ◽  
Muslim Identity ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
The Individual

Within the prevailing post-9/11 climate, veiled Muslim women are commonly portrayed as oppressed, ‘culturally dangerous’ and ‘threatening’ to the western way of life and to notions of public safety and security by virtue of being fully covered in the public sphere. It is in such a context that manifestations of Islamophobia often emerge as a means of responding to these ‘threats’. Drawing from qualitative data elicited through a UK-based study, this article reflects upon the lived experiences of veiled Muslim women as actual and potential victims of Islamophobia and examines the impacts of Islamophobic attacks upon victims, their families and wider Muslim communities. Among the central themes we explore are impacts upon their sense of vulnerability, the visibility of their Muslim identity, and the management of their safety in public. The individual and collective harms associated with this form of victimisation are considered through notions of a worldwide, transnational Muslim community, the ummah, which connects Muslims from all over world. We conclude by noting that the effects of this victimisation are not exclusively restricted to the global ummah; rather, the harm extends to society as a whole by exacerbating the polarisation which already exists between ‘us’ and ‘them’.

Compressed Identity

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 13-35
Author(s):  
H. Şule Albayrak
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
Muslim Women ◽  
The Self ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
The Public ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
Turkish State ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Depth Interviews

For decades the authoritarian secularist policies of the Turkish state, by imposing a headscarf ban at universities and in the civil service, excluded practising Muslim women from the public sphere until the reforms following 2010. However, Muslim women had continued to seek ways to increase their knowledge and improve their intellectual levels, not only as individuals, but also by establishing civil associations. As a result, a group of intellectual women has emerged who are not only educated in political, social, and economic issues, but who are also determined to attain their socio-economic and political rights. Those new actors in the Turkish public sphere are, however, concerned with being labeled as either “feminist,” “fundamentalist” or “Islamist.” This article therefore analyzes the distance between the self-identifications of intellectual Muslim women and certain classifications imposed on them. Semi-structured in-depth interviews with thirteen Turkish intellectual Muslim women were carried out which reveal that they reject and critique overly facile labels due to their negative connotations while offering more complex insights into their perspectives on Muslim women, authority, and identity.

scholarly journals PRAKTIK FIKIH KESEHARIAN MINORITAS MUSLIM DI BALI

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-98
Author(s):  
Fathor Rahman
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Belief System ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Daily Practice ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Area ◽  
Religious Adaptation ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
Muslim Minorities

This paper explored a daily fiqh practice or, more precisely, the practice of Islam among Muslim minorities in Bali, which is transformed into an adaptable form of religious diversity promoting harmony. In the midst of the strong domination of Hindu custom and the acts of violence by few Muslims in Indonesia, the Balinese Muslim community strived to manifest Islamic teachings (fiqh) in daily life having tolerant and moderate. Through two problems such as; how is the religious adaptation pattern of minority Muslim communities in Bali? How do Muslim communities establish inter-religious harmony as a manifestation of their daily fiqh? This study attempted  to analyze it based on maqashid sharia theory. As for supporting data collection, this paper used field research using interviews and observations.The finding  indicated that there were interesting patterns of religious social relations occurred in the daily practice of Muslim minorities in expressing their Islamic teachings in the public area. Muslims in Bali are able to appraise their religious teachings and adapt with the surrounding community, which was socio-anthropologically dominated by the Hindu belief system.

scholarly journals Transnationalism and Transnational Islam in Indonesia With Special Emphasis on Papua

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 42-59
Author(s):  
Ridwan Al-Makassary
Keyword(s):  
Literature Review ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
The Public ◽  
Transnational Islam ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
Communal Harmony

Papua has experienced the threat of communal harmony between Christians and Muslims regarding the transnational Islam advent in Papua. The Tolikara Incident in 2015 and the latest one the banning of building the minaret of the Al-Aqsha Mosque in Sentani in 2018, to a certain degree, were part of transnational Islam influence in the region with a majority non-Muslim population. The presence of transnational Islam cannot be separated from the emergence of the public sphere in the country after the demise of the Suharto regime in 1998. This paper will explore transnational Islam in Papua by reviewing previous studies and discourse on transnational Islam in Indonesia. At the outset, the author will delve literature review on transnationalism and transnational Islam globally. Afterward, it will discuss the presence of transnational Islam, especially Salafi of Jafar Umar Thalib (JUT) in Jayapura and Keerom that has created tension and hostilities within Muslim communities, as well as toward non-Muslim. No doubt, Salafi faction of JUT has tried to promulgate or disseminate radical Islamic teaching through dakwah (propagation) and other activities that threaten Papua Land of Peace (Papua Tanah Damai). As a result, their presence has gotten resistance from some Islamic mass organizations and non-Muslims.

Fragile Trust: Muslim Communities in Canada and the R v. NS Decision

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 405-424
Author(s):  
Patti Tamara Lenard
Keyword(s):  
Religious Practice ◽  
Fair Trial ◽  
The Public ◽  
Trial Judges ◽  
Diverse Backgrounds ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Canadian Multiculturalism

Abstract In December 2012, the Canadian Supreme Court issued a ruling in R v. NS, in which a Muslim woman had demanded – citing her right to freedom of religion, as protected in the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms – the right to cover her face, while giving testimony in a court of law. The defendants, also Muslim, demanded the right to see her face, in particular during cross-examination, as part of their right to the demeanor evidence that is necessary to provide “full answer and defense” and more generally as part of their right to a fair trial. The Supreme Court’s ruling stated that trial judges are entitled to make determinations about whether facial coverings must be removed, by weighing the rights of the accused to a fair trial against the rights of the accuser to freedom of religious practice, via what the court termed a “sincerity test.” This article considers the impact of the ruling and ultimately suggests that the decision will harm trust relations in Canada. In particular, the justifications offered in the judgment fail to respect the central objective of Canadian multiculturalism, i. e., to build trust among citizens of diverse backgrounds as a foundation for integrating minority communities into the public sphere on fair terms.

scholarly journals Media Representations of Religion, Spirituality and Non-Religion in Australia

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (7) ◽  
pp. 332
Author(s):  
Enqi Weng ◽  
Anna Halafoff
Keyword(s):  
Lived Experiences ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Media Representations ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Media ◽  
Negative Impacts ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Post September 11 ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
The City

Despite predictions of decline, religion has featured prominently in the public sphere and the media since the events of 11 September 2001. Previous research on media and religion in Australia post-September 11 has focused largely on its negative impacts, particularly on Muslim communities. This article, in contrast, examines media representations of religion, spirituality and non-religion on an ‘ordinary day’, of 17 September, over a three-year period in the city of Melbourne. Its findings reveal that religion, in its myriad forms, permeates many aspects of Australian public life, but in ways which do not always reflect the actual religious composition and lived experiences of worldview diversity in Australia.

scholarly journals Subordinasi Kepemimpinan Perempuan dalam Budaya Batak Toba

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Rispritosia Sibarani ◽  
Yurulina Gulo
Keyword(s):  
Gender Inequality ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Qualitative Approach ◽  
The Public ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
Patriarchal Culture ◽  
The Social ◽  
Toba Batak ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Ideal

In this paper we analyze the position of women in the social life of the Toba Batak community, in influencing others to do something called a leader. In the context of such thinking, the author wants to see why women in Toba Batak have not experienced development in leadership and want to elaborate on the process of socio-cultural transmigration in Batak Bangso especially Batak Toba in political, social and cultural aspects, the majority of whose leaders are men. This paper uses a descriptive-analytic approach and with a qualitative approach. The results of the study mentioned that women experience gender inequality which is characterized by the occurrence of subordination (numbering) and marginalization of Batak women. In the field of politics, the ideal leadership is always measured from a men's perspective, so that the position of women is increasingly weak in their interaction with the surrounding community. Domestication and marginalization of women in the public sphere seems to have been exhausted and enjoyed by women because they are educated and live in a patriarchal culture by believing and believing in diverting religious teachings that are understood in a discriminatory way, and perpetuating women's alienation.

Toward Hegemony

2019 ◽  
pp. 101-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suhas Palshikar
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Paradigm Shift ◽  
Party System ◽  
The State ◽  
Central Force ◽  
Indian Politics ◽  
The Public ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
National Congress ◽  
The Public Sphere

This chapter discusses the paradigm shift in Indian politics beyond the realm of electoral hegemony. The historical mandate of 2014 was the watershed moment which has resulted in the restructuring of the party system and the emergence of a new ideological framework in the public sphere. The BJP succeeded in breaching linguistic, cultural and state barriers by creating an All India Imagination, this marks the dawn of the second dominant party system since the Indian National Congress in 1989. This vision of New India with Modi as the central force spells trouble for the state parties. The potent combination of development, Hindutva and nationalism shapes this new hegemony. Paradoxically, only an electoral upset can bring the BJP’s march to hegemony to a halt.

France

2019 ◽  
pp. 79-103
Author(s):  
Elaine Howard Ecklund ◽  
David R. Johnson ◽  
Brandon Vaidyanathan ◽  
Kirstin R. W. Matthews ◽  
Steven W. Lewis ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Church And State ◽  
Muslim Women ◽  
Religion And Science ◽  
The Public ◽  
Official Policy ◽  
Strong Separation ◽  
The Public Sphere

France is characterized by its assertive secularism and its strong separation of church and state. Its official policy of laїcité means that there is not as much potential for conflict between religion and science because they are kept so separate and public expressions of religion are suppressed. Because religion is overall absent from the public sphere, it is all the more obvious when it does come up; and thus Muslim women who wear headscarves feel increased discrimination within science because of this visible symbol of their faith. Because religion is kept out of the public sphere, and thus out of science, there seems to be little room for collaboration or dialogue.

scholarly journals Muslim Community Organizations’ Perceptions of Islamophobia: Towards an Informed Countering Response

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (10) ◽  
pp. 485
Author(s):  
Sara Cheikh Husain
Keyword(s):  
Community Organizations ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Past ◽  
Contextual Understanding ◽  
The Social ◽  
Community Solidarity ◽  
Public Debates ◽  
Muslim Communities ◽  
Multiple Domains

During the past two decades, Muslim Community Organizations (MCOs) in the West have increasingly become stakeholders in the public debates and the national consultations regarding the Muslim communities. MCO’s perception of Islamophobia is critical for understanding their collective response to the problem. Much of the Australian literature, nonetheless, tends to subsume Islamophobia within the dynamics of exclusion/inclusion within a social cohesion paradigm, and primarily through a focus on individuals. This article aims to contribute to the existing literature through a deeper contextual understanding of Australian MCOs’ framing of and engagement with Islamophobia in its various manifestations, in order to better cognize its impact on their agentic capacity. Deploying an expanded theoretical framework of agency structure, this article analyzes 25 interviews with representatives of Victorian MCOs, to explore their perceptions of Islamophobia across multiple domains of power—the social, discursive and the political. MCOs’ perceptions of the problem impact their responding anti-Islamophobia civic–political engagements towards soft grassroots connections and Muslims’ empowerment. In light of the findings, the article points for the need to enhance building inter-community solidarity, utilize supportive institutional multicultural schemes and establish a separate Muslim advocacy organization.

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