scholarly journals De ‘Trabalhador Migrante’ a ‘Cidadão Sul-Americano’: uma análise da política migratória multilateral

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Jacques Ramírez Gallegos

ResumoO presente artigo examina o tratamento dos assuntos migratórios na América do Sul de uma perspectiva multilateral. A tese central do texto é que tanto a CAN como o Mercosul tiveram uma visão unidimensional do assunto, na qual prevalecem os enfoques econômico-comerciais e veem os migrantes como “mão de obra”. Ao contrário dessa visão esta a UNASUL, que vem pensando o tema de maneira integral, superando a histórica divisão entre “migrantes desejáveis” e “não desejáveis” e recuperando a categoria de cidadania sul-americana como  um elemento central para a integração regional.Palavras-chaves: migração, multilateralismo,  integração, cidadania sul-americana. De ‘Trabajador Migrante’ a ‘Ciudadano Suramericano’: un análisis de la política migratoria multilateralResumenEl presente artículo examina el tratamiento de los asuntos migratorios en América del Sur desde una perspectiva multilateral. La tesis central del texto es que tanto la CAN (Comunidad Andina de Naciones) como MERCOSUR (Mercado Común del Sur) han tenido una mirada unidimensional donde prevalecen los enfoques económico comerciales y ven a los migrantes como ‘mano de obra’. Por el contrario, desde la UNASUR (Unión de Naciones Suramericanas) se ha pensando el tema de manera integral superando la histíricoa división entre ‘migrantes deseables’ y ‘no deseables’ y recuperando la categoría de ciudadanía suramericana como un elemento central para la integración regional.Palabras Claves: migración, multilateralismo, integración, ciudadania suramericana From 'Migrant Worker' to 'South American Citizen': an analysis of multilateral migration policySummaryThis article examines the treatment of migratory issues in South America from a multilateral perspective. The central argument holds that both the CAN (the Community of Andean Nations), and the MERCOSUR have a vision of migratory issues that is largely dictated by the prevalence of economic and commercial interests; a maniquean perspective  that has reduced the role of migrants to that of a source of labor. UNASUR (Union of South American Nation), however, has set itself apart from other regional counterparts by approaching migratory issues from a more holistic perspective, thus overcoming the historical division between desireable and undesireable migrants, and thus recuperating the invaluable notion of South American citizenship as a bedrock of regional integration. Keywords: migration,  multilateralism, integration, Sout Amerian citizenship.

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Elias David Morales Martinez ◽  
Mariana Preta Oliveira de Lyra

The paper aims to analyze the performance of UNASUR in its first initial phase of activities in cases of democratic crises that happened in South America, during the period 2008-2015. Thus, it examines the cases of Bolivia (2008), Ecuador (2010), Paraguay (2012) and Venezuela (2014-2015). The central hypothesis of this study is that the defense of democracy and its institutions has been incorporated as one of the fundamental elements of the organization. Therefore, UNASUR is guided by political dialogue and consensus building for the maintenance of the democratic order in the South American countries and, consequently, a deepening of the regional integration process. It is argued that UNASUR includes democracy as one of its core values and acts to defend it in unstable situation. Therefore, the strengthening of the organization depends, among other factors, on its ability to resolve conflicts and promote democracy in the continent.


1995 ◽  
Vol 5 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 325-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard O. Bierregaard

SummaryBased on an extensive literature review for the 81 species of Falconiformes (excluding vultures) that breed primarily in Central and South America, I summarize the current state of our knowledge of the biology and conservation status of these birds. Most of what is known about the diurnal raptors in the region is based on studies carried out in the southern U.S.A., the Petén of Guatemala, extreme north-eastern South America (Venezuela through the Guianas) and Chile. The least-known species are residents of primary forest, especially in the generaAccipiter, LeucoptemisandMicrastur. Nests remain undescribed for 19 species, and less than five nests have been described for an additional 12 species. No prey data are available for six species and only anecdotal data have been published for a further 25 species. Breeding behaviour is unknown for 27 species and known only anecdotally for an additional 18. The migratory habits of 28 species are poorly understood. Available data permit a reasonable assessment of the conservation status for 39 species and a well-educated guess for another 31, but any assessment for the remaining 11 would be speculation at best.Basado en un estudio muy extensivo de la literatura para 81 especies de Falconiformes(excluyendo Cathartidae) que se aparean principalmente en Centro y Sur América, hago un resumen de nuestro conocimiento más actual de la biologia y el estado de conservación en que se encuentran estas aves. La mayor parte de la información que se tiene sobre raptores diurnos de la región está basada en estudios que fueron llevados acabo en el sur de los Estados Unidos, el Petén en Guatemala, la parte noreste de América del Sur (Venezuela hasta las Guianas) y Chile. Las especies menos conocidos son residentes de bosque primario, especialmente de los génerosAccipiter, Leucoptemis y Micrastur. Falta describir nidos para 19 especies y menos de cinco nidos han sido descritos para 12 especies adicionales. No hay informacion sobre la alimentatión para seis especies y solamente información anecdotal ha sido publicada para 25 especies adicionales. Comportamiento de apareo se desconoce para 27 especies y solamente es conocido por anécdotas par 18 especies adicionales, Las costumbres migratorias de 28 especies se conocen muy poco. Información disponible permite juzgar razonablemente el estado de conservación para 39 especies y se puede estimarlo para 31 más, pero el juzgar de los 11 que restan seria solamente especulación.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. e58886
Author(s):  
Willyan Alvarez Viégas ◽  
Bernardo Salgado Rodrigues

A segunda década do século XXI apresentou um cenário de fragilidades socioeconômicas com sucessivas crises políticas, ampliando a vulnerabilidade externa e a incapacidade estatal de planejamento na América do Sul. No plano regional, constata-se a proeminência da fragmentação, do regionalismo aberto e da retomada de projetos hemisféricos e/ou tratados de livre-comércio. O presente artigo possui o objetivo de ensejar o debate da integração sul-americana na década de 2020, a partir das experiências políticas deste início de século. Utilizando o método qualitativo da análise de documentos oficiais do embrionário Foro para o Progresso e Integração da América do Sul (PROSUL), a hipótese central é de que este novo bloco consiste numa tentativa de substituir o modelo prévio de integração autônoma por uma integração conservadora alinhada aos interesses liberais e estadunidenses. Por conseguinte, conclui-se que a América do Sul vem sendo afligida por um processo de desintegração regional.Palavras-chave: integração regional; América do Sul; PROSUL.ABSTRACTIn the second decade of the 21st century, South America presented socioeconomic fragilities with successive political crises, increasing the external vulnerability and the state's incapacity for planning. At the regional level, it was verified the prominence of fragmentation, open regionalism and the resurgence of hemispheric projects and free trade agreements. This article aims to promote the debate on South American integration in the 2020 decade, based on the political experiences of the beginning of this century. By Using the qualitative method of analyzing official documents of The Fórum para o Progresso e Integração da América do Sul (PROSUL), this article presents as its central hypothesis that this new block consists in an attempt to replace the previous model of autonomous integration with a conservative integration aligned to liberal and American interests. Consequently, this research concludes that there is a process of regional disintegration affecting South America in the last years.Keywords: regional integration; South America; PROSUL. Recebido em: 02 abr. 2021 | Aceito em: 05 out. 2021.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Tamires Aparecida Ferreira Souza

With this article, we propose to reformulate the Regional Security Complex Theory, by Buzan and Waever, through a South American vision, with the time frame 2008-2016. To this end, we will analyse South America through Argentina, Brazil, and Colombia, and their forms of intra and extra-regional interaction, highlighting the Colombia-United States relations, and the South American Defence Council, of the Union of South American Nations. This article is divided into a first section marked by an understanding of the Regional Complex Theory, in which we present and discuss its theoretical elements and weaknesses, and propose theoretical changes that will guide our analysis. The second section contains information about the South American Complex in the academic view, focusing on the arguments of Buzan and Waever. In the third section, we present the South American Regional Security Complex restructured, as well as the analysis of its dynamics. The central argument of the article is the need to reformulate the Theory in question for a better understanding of the complexities and unique characteristics of South America.


Author(s):  
Javier A. Vadell ◽  
Clarisa Giaccaglia

The roots of Latin American regionalism blend together with the birth of the region’s states, and despite its vicissitudes, the integrationist ideal represents the most ambitious form of regional feeling. It is an ancient process that has undergone continuous ups and downs as a result of domestic and foreign restrictions. In the early 21st century, the deterioration of the “open regionalism” strategy, along with the rise to power of diverse left governments, led to the development of a “physical-structural,” “post-liberal,” “post-neoliberal,” or “post-hegemonic” integration model. In this context, Brazil—governed by Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva—constituted itself as a crucial protagonist and main articulator of the South American integrationist project. From this perspective, in addition to the existing MERCOSUR, UNASUR was created, and it encompassed the whole subcontinent, thus reaffirming the formulation of regional policies regarding the concept of “South America.” At present, however, a new stage of these regionalisms has started. Today, the Latin American and Caribbean dynamics seem to bifurcate, on the one hand, into a reissue of open regionalism—through the Pacific Alliance—and, on the other hand, into a fragmentation process of South America as a geopolitical bloc and regional actor in the global system. Regarding this last point, it is unavoidable to link the regional integration crisis to the critical political and economic situation undergone by Brazil, considered as the leader of the South American process. In short, the withdrawal of the Brazilian leadership in South America, along with the shifts and disorientations that took place in UNASUR and MERCOSUR, have damaged the credibility of the region’s initiatives, as well as the possibility to identify a concerted voice in South America as a distinguishable whole. That regional reality poses an interesting challenge that implies, to a great extent, making a heuristic effort to avoid being enclosed by the concepts and assumptions of the processes of regionalism and integration that were born to explain the origin, evolution, and development of the European Union. From this perspective, the authors claim that the new phase experienced by Latin American regionalisms cannot be understood as a lack of institutionality—as it is held by those perspectives that support the explanations that they “mirror” the European process—but rather it answers chiefly to a self-redefinition process influenced by significant alterations that occurred both in global and national conjunctures and that therefore, have had an impact on the regional logic. Given the regional historical tradition marked by vicissitudes, the authors believe that they can hardly talk about a “Sudamexit” (SouthAmexit in English) process, namely, an effective abandonment of regionalisms. Recognizing the distinctive features of Latin American and Caribbean countries, rather, leads us to think of dynamics that generate a complex and disorganized netting in which the political-institutional course of development of Brazil will have relevant repercussions in the future Latin American and Caribbean process as a whole.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 1-23

This research is an attempt to uncover the reality and method of Israeli penetration in the South American continent, and aims to draw attention to the weaknesses and mistakes in the role of Arab communities that they had to play in South America, and the position of Arab governments towards that continent. The research was divided into two main axes, as the first dealt with the means of Israeli penetration in South America until 1947, providing a brief overview of the roots of the penetration in the South American continent and the methods it adopted in achieving this. While the second axis focused on the stance of the South American countries on the Arab-Israeli conflict (1947-1973). However, the Israeli infiltration was affecting the political decision-makers in that continent towards the decision to partition Palestine up to the October 1973 war. Key words: the penetration, Palestine, Israel, immigration, Arabs, America


2021 ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Pavel Kuchinov

Since the XXI century the majority of South American countries call to create large integration transport corridors that provide interconnections between different parts of the region. The authors studied the projects of multimodal transport corridors implemented by the South American organization IIRSA (Initiative for the Integration of the Regional Infrastructure of South America), the purpose of which is the connection of the coasts of two oceans: the Atlantic and the Pacific. Analyzing the situation related to the latest Chinese investment and construction projects in South America within the framework of The Belt and Road Initiative, the authors question the feasibility and prospects the effectiveness of IIRSA's priority megaprojects. According to the developers, such initiatives, embodying infrastructure integration in the region, should contribute not only to the economic growth of the participating countries, but also to greater access to the global market for finance and services. The authors consider, although, that it is likely that this initiative risks being transformed into a tool for realizing China's economic and political interests.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseli Fiorin Gomes

In South America, regional integration has a plethora of overlapping initiatives. To investigate it, a postcolonial/decolonial approach is proposed to teach the theme in International Relations, based on the the art of Torres García, which supported, with the phrase "our north is the south", the need to change north-south power relations. Thus, it is aimed at forming critical subjects, rethinking the South American place in the world.


The Auk ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valeria Ojeda ◽  
Alejandro Schaaf ◽  
Tomás A Altamirano ◽  
Bianca Bonaparte ◽  
Laura Bragagnolo ◽  
...  

Abstract In the Northern Hemisphere, several avian cavity excavators (e.g., woodpeckers) orient their cavities increasingly toward the equator as latitude increases (i.e. farther north), and it is proposed that they do so to take advantage of incident solar radiation at their nests. If latitude is a key driver of cavity orientations globally, this pattern should extend to the Southern Hemisphere. Here, we test the prediction that cavities are oriented increasingly northward at higher (i.e. colder) latitudes in the Southern Hemisphere and describe the preferred entrance direction(s) of 1,501 cavities excavated by 25 avian species (n = 22 Picidae, 2 Trogonidae, 1 Furnariidae) across 12 terrestrial ecoregions (15°S to 55°S) in South America. We used Bayesian projected normal mixed-effects models for circular data to examine the influence of latitude, and potential confounding factors, on cavity orientation. Also, a probability model-selection procedure was used to simultaneously examine multiple orientation hypotheses in each ecoregion to explore underlying cavity-orientation patterns. Contrary to predictions, and patterns from the Northern Hemisphere, birds did not orient their cavities more toward the equator with increasing latitude, suggesting that latitude may not be an important underlying selective force shaping excavation behavior in South America. Moreover, unimodal cavity-entrance orientations were not frequent among the ecoregions analyzed (only in 4 ecoregions), whereas bimodal (in 5 ecoregions) or uniform (in 3 ecoregions) orientations were also present, although many of these patterns were not very clear. Our results highlight the need to include data from under-studied biotas and regions to improve inferences at macroecological scales. Furthermore, we suggest a re-analysis of Northern Hemisphere cavity orientation patterns using a multi-model approach, and a more comprehensive assessment of the role of environmental factors as drivers of cavity orientation at different spatial scales in both hemispheres.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-497
Author(s):  
Roberto Goulart Menezes

O objetivo deste artigo é discutir a trajetória recente da integração regional a partir de uma perspectiva brasileira tendo como referência à política externa do governo Lula da Silva para a América do Sul. Na trajetória da integração sul-americana persistem problemas estruturais tais como a baixa complementaridade econômica, baixa interdependência, assimetrias, baixa capacidade da maioria dos Estados entre outros. Apesar dessas adversidades e entraves a integração segue no horizonte. Para lidar com os desafios da integração ao longo da última década, o Itamaraty passou a trabalhar com duas agendas: uma seletiva e a outra profunda.  Abstract: The aim of this work is to discuss the recent trajectory of the regional integration  from a Brazilian perspective taking into account the foreign policy of Lula da Silva government to South America. In this trajectory of the south American  integration persist structural problems such as low economic complementarity, low interdependence, asymmetries, low capacity of most states among others. Spite of these adversities and obstacles the integration follows in the horizon. To deal with the challenges  of the integration a long with the last decade, Itamaraty started to work with two agendas: selective and deep ones. 


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