scholarly journals Geopolitics of International Relations, Ethnic Polarization and Internal Conflict

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 25-38
Author(s):  
T. Saima

Geostrategic position of a country not just creates opportunities in form of bilateral and multilateral collaborations, it may also pose stern long term concerns and spillover effects in terms of insecurity and conflict. Pakistan, if not a classic example, is a typical case of continually high geopolitics of international relations: its geostrategic location had been praised by international players during the cold war regime through financial assistance; it was encouraged to take part during the Russian invasion in Afghanistan in late 70’s; and was compelled to play the role of ‘front line state’ in the war against terrorism, in the aftermath of the 9/ 11 incidence, in 2001. Early attempts of establishing rebel groups based upon ethnic identity to fight in Afghanistan, while launching of ruthless military operations after 9/11 incidence, against same rebel groups who fought in Afghanistan during the Russian invasion, causing either undue leverage to specific ethnic minorities at one point in time or extreme repression at later stage of history. In order to pretest impact of geopolitics of International Relations upon conflict, and if the interplay of geopolitics with ‘ethnic polarization’ affected ‘internal conflict’, several econometric models have been estimated. Along with testing the impact of geopolitical importance and its interplay with ethnic polarization in distressing peace, other important propositions in estimated models include, how ‘external conflict’, ‘institutional efficacies’, and the ‘role of military in politics’, caused adversity of ‘Internal conflict’, in Pakistan. In order to ensure concurrent validity of econometric models, alternative regressands namely ratings of ‘Civil War’ and ‘Internal Conflict’ have been used. Keeping in view ordinal scaling of regressands, cautions in dealing with heteroscedasticity and potentially lagged impact of regressors, Ordered-probit, Ordered Logit, Quantile regression, Robust Regression, and Prais-Winsten models are estimated. Estimated models strongly approved the notion that ‘geopolitics of international relations’ and ‘geopolitics of International Relations’ in interaction with ‘Ethnic polarization’, have had a considerable and statistically significant temporal impact upon ‘internal conflict’ and rating of ‘civil war’, in context of Pakistan. Other significant factors that contributed to adversity of peace are ‘external conflict’, ‘role of military in politics’, ‘illegitimacy of the state actions’/ ‘institutional inefficacies’ and ‘religious polarization’. Keywords: geopolitics of international relations, war against terrorism, internal conflict, ethnic polarization, ordered-probit model, robust regression, Prais-Winsten regression.

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 434-456
Author(s):  
Liliane Klein Garcia

Ao observar o sistema unipolar que emergiu do final da Guerra Fria, é marcante o sentimento de insegurança geopolítica gerada pela existência de apenas uma superpotência global e as dúvidas da atuação do Estado soberano nessa conjuntura. Nesse paradigma, Capitão América: Guerra Civil é lançado com uma simbologia contestadora do papel do hegemon no sistema internacional. Com isso, inicialmente é exposto o enredo do filme, seguido das teorias liberal e realista das Relações Internacionais e da semiótica greimasiana. Com isso em vista, é feita a análise dos símbolos do longa-metragem e, por fim, se conclui que os autores do texto tinham como objetivo disseminar uma mensagem de união política entre os americanos.     Abstract: Observing the unipolar system emerging from the closure of the Cold War, is remarkable the sentiment of geopolitical insecurity generated by the existence of only one global superpower and the doubts about the role of the sovereign State in such system. In this paradigm, Captain America: Civil War is released with a contesting symbology about the role of the hegemon in the international system. Therefore, first it is exposed the movie plot, followed by the liberal and realist theories of international relations and the French semiotics. With this in mind, the symbols in the feature are analised and, in conclusion, it is stated that the authors wish to convey a message in bipartisan union amongst the American people. Keywords: International Relations Theory, Semiotics, Captain America.     Recebido em: setembro/2019. Aprovado em: maio/2020.


2016 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 443-475 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyeran Jo ◽  
Beth A. Simmons

AbstractWhether and how violence can be controlled to spare innocent lives is a central issue in international relations. The most ambitious effort to date has been the International Criminal Court (ICC), designed to enhance security and safety by preventing egregious human rights abuses and deterring international crimes. We offer the first systematic assessment of the ICC's deterrent effects for both state and nonstate actors. Although no institution can deter all actors, the ICC can deter some governments and those rebel groups that seek legitimacy. We find support for this conditional impact of the ICC cross-nationally. Our work has implications for the study of international relations and institutions, and supports the violence-reducing role of pursuing justice in international affairs.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 14-19
Author(s):  
Heyirbek S. Gasimov ◽  
Dilaver M. Azimli

The Ilkhanate included large territories in the Near and the Middle East, where a process of mutual influence of many peoples, tribes and cultures took place. When the Hulagu khan Ahmed Tekuder (1282-1284) converted to Islam, the Muslims of Azerbaijan, who constituted the absolute majority of the country's population, welcomed this move. After the assassination of Ahmed Tekuder, Arghun (1284-1291), Gaykhatu (1291-1295) and Baydu (1295) took the Hulagu throne by turn. This period went down in history as a time of violent internal conflict in the House of Hulagu, freedom of action for representatives of all religions, except Islam, persecution of Muslims, religious, financial and economic, administrative experiments of Hulagu khans. In 1295, Ghazan Khan took the Hulagu throne. He radically changed the attitude of official authority towards Islam. Even before his accession to the throne (June 16, 1295), Ghazan-khan converted to Islam and then was called by the Muslim name Mahmud. The conversion to Islam by Ghazan Khan ensured the prevailing position of the Ilkhanate in the system of international relations of the Near and Middle East. For manageable, strong, stable socio-economic and political life of a huge empire, the optimal choice of unifying state ideology was extremely important. Ghazan Khan successfully completed the way started by Ahmed Tekuder. Since the reign of Ghazan Khan (Mahmud), the Ilkhanate began to claim leadership in the Muslim world. The problem of the "legitimacy" of the Ilkhanate also found its solution. The Ilkhanate bordered the largest states of that time: with the state of nomadic Mongols, governed by the descendants of Juchi Khan, the eldest son of Genghis Khan (known in Russian historiography as the Golden Horde); with the state of the Mamluks sultans of Egypt; with the Mongolian nomadic tribes in Central Asia, descendants of Chaghatai - the son of Genghis Khan.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 82-91
Author(s):  
Niaz Ahmed

Yemeni conflict reflects the failure of the Yemeni government to address the common needs to its citizen, the uprising of politically marginalized Houthis and the corrupt state, which bring the country into civil war. This article is an attempt to know the causes, consequences, and the role of foreign powers and also the entire situation of Yemeni civil war. Yemen is the poorest Arab country in the world. Due to the effect of the Arab Socialist Movement, Yemen’s Imamate ruling system disintegrated in 1970 and the country divided into two nations, North Yemen and South Yemen. Again in 1990 under the leadership of Ali Abdullah Saleh, both have been united into one nation. The corrupt rule of government, the unhealthy treatment of Houthi minority and the internal conflict made the country more unstable. Political transition happed in 2011 for the stabilization of the country, but it fails to bring peace and finally in 2015 Yemen faces a devastating civil war. Different attempts have been taken by the international community for normalizing the conflict, but all fail to bring peace. The country is suffering the worst humanitarian crisis. Saudi Arabia and Iran is the main player in the conflict. This qualitative study will try to highlight the different scenario of Yemen and also provide an overview of the civil conflict. Keywords: Yemen, Houthis, Civil War, Humanitarian Crisis


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (5) ◽  
pp. 66
Author(s):  
Zorzeta Bakaki

This article examines the role of international and domestic-level factors for strengthening states’ capacity. State failure enhances insecurity, since there is not sufficient agency or institutions to provide adequate security guarantees and to put into operation established rules. When the government is unable to address grievances stemming from such insecurity, armed conflict becomes more likely. Links with external institutions and domestic-level capacity that increases prosperity prevent insurgencies and promote stability, however. To this end, this research develops a new theory linking state capacity and the international and domestic-level factors to internal conflict. Empirically, this study examines the risk of civil conflict onset, focusing on the combined effect of international (political globalisation) and domestic-level (GDP per capita) state capacity as the main driving force. The results show that the joint effect of these factors has a negative impact on civil war risk, which is significantly and substantially important.


Author(s):  
Erika Forsberg ◽  
Louise Olsson

Prior research has found robust support for a relationship between gender inequality and civil war. These results all point in the same direction; countries that display lower levels of gender equality are more likely to become involved in civil conflict, and violence is likely to be even more severe, than in countries where women have a higher status. But what does gender inequality mean in this area of research? And how does research explain why we see this effect on civil war? To explore this, we start with reviewing existing definitions and measurements of gender inequality, noting that the concept has several dimensions. We then proceed to outline several clusters of explanations of how gender inequality could be related to civil war while more equal societies are better able to prevent violent conflict, as described in previous research. It is clear that existing misconceptions that gender inequality primarily involves the role of women are clouding the fact that it clearly speaks to much broader societal developments which play central roles in civil war. We conclude by identifying some remaining lacunas and directions for future research.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ľubomír Zvada

This Handbook maps the contours of an exciting and burgeoning interdisciplinary field concerned with the role of language and languages in situations of conflict. It explores conceptual approaches, sources of information that are available, and the institutions and actors that mediate language encounters. It examines case studies of the role that languages have played in specific conflicts, from colonial times through to the Middle East and Africa today. The contributors provide vibrant evidence to challenge the monolingual assumptions that have affected traditional views of war and conflict. They show that languages are woven into every aspect of the making of war and peace, and demonstrate how language shapes public policy and military strategy, setting frameworks and expectations. The Handbook's 22 chapters powerfully illustrate how the encounter between languages is integral to almost all conflicts, to every phase of military operations and to the lived experiences of those on the ground, who meet, work and fight with speakers of other languages. This comprehensive work will appeal to scholars from across the disciplines of linguistics, translation studies, history, and international relations; and provide fresh insights for a broad range of practitioners interested in understanding the role and implications of foreign languages in war.


Author(s):  
Ali Hussein Hameed ◽  
Saif Hayder AL.Husainy

In the anarchism that governs the nature and patterns of international relations characterized by instability and uncertainty in light of several changes, as well as the information revolution and the resulting developments and qualitative breakthroughs in the field of scientific and advanced technological knowledge and modern technologies.  All of these variables pushed toward the information flow and flow tremendously, so rationality became an indispensable matter for the decision maker as he faces these developments and changes. There must be awareness and rationality in any activity or behavior because it includes choosing the best alternative and making the right decision and selecting the information accurately and mental processing Through a mental system based on objectivity, methodology, and accumulated experience away from idealism and imagination, where irrationality and anarchy are a reflection of the fragility of the decision-maker, his lack of awareness of the subject matter, his irresponsibility, and recklessness that inevitably leads to failure by wasting time and Effort and potential. The topic acquires its importance from a search in the strategies of the frivolous state and its characteristics with the ability to influence the regional, and what it revealed is a turning point in how to adapt from the variables and employ them to their advantage and try to prove their existence. Thus, the problem comes in the form of a question about the possibility of the frivolous state in light of the context of various regional and international events and trends. The answer to this question stems from the main hypothesis that (the aim which the frustrating state seeks to prove is that it finds itself compelled to choose several strategies that start from the nature of its characteristics and the goals that aim at it, which are centered in the circle of its interests in the field of its struggle for the sake of its survival and area of influence).


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emily Kaliel

The articles published in our Fall 2016 edition are connected loosely under the themes of public memory and the uses of identity in the past. We are thrilled to present to you three excellent articles in our Fall 2016 edition: The article "Dentro de la Revolución: Mobilizing the Artist in Alfredo Sosa Bravo's Libertad, Cultura, Igualdad (1961)" analyzes Cuban artwork as multi-layered work of propaganda whose conditions of creation, content, and exhibition reinforce a relationship of collaboration between artists and the state-run cultural institutions of post-revolutionary Cuba; moving through fifty years of history “’I Shall Never Forget’: The Civil War in American Historical Memory, 1863-1915" provides a captivating look at the role of reconciliationist and emancipationist intellectuals, politicians, and organizations as they contested and shaped the enduring memory of the Civil War; and finally, the article “Politics as Metis Ethnogenesis in Red River: Instrumental Ethnogenesis in the 1830s and 1840s in Red River” takes the reader through a historical analysis of the development of the Metis identity as a means to further their economic rights. We wholly hope you enjoy our Fall 2016 edition as much as our staff has enjoyed curating it. Editors  Jean Middleton and Emily Kaliel Assistant Editors Magie Aiken and Hannah Rudderham Senior Reviewers Emily Tran Connor Thompson Callum McDonald James Matiko Bronte Wells


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document