scholarly journals RETHINKING THE LEADERS EFFECT: PERSONAL AND NATIONAL APPEAL OF MODI-ELECTION 2019

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (11) ◽  
pp. 1084-1088
Author(s):  
Archana Sawshilya ◽  

The 2019 General Election was a landmark victory for BJP and for Narendra Modi in particular. One major factor that led to the historic landslide victory for BJP was brand Modi himself. The brand Modi was carefully weaved by the BJP and their digital media team, around his very successful and an aggressive foreign policy building a sense of National Pride for Indians . The Brand Modi was also built around the Man Ki baat and his image of an incorruptible man. His digital team was so powerful during the 2019 elections that even the Macro economic issues took a back seat. More than anything else a very strong factor that contributed to the landslide victory of Modi led BJP in 2019 was a weak coalition of the opposition and lack of a strong leader that people could look up to as an alternative to Narendra Modi.

2018 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 01144
Author(s):  
Liudmila Reshetnikova

The article is devoted to e-diplomacy (also known as digital diplomacy) which is a component of public diplomacy. Digital diplomacy is a one of the new tools of foreign policy that is aimed to solve the problems of international and interethnic relations. The article examines the concept and definition of digital diplomacy that concentrates on the use of social networks and digital media in the field of foreign policy. Some risks and threats of e-diplomacy are also considered. The use of opportunities of information and communication technologies for solving the problems of foreign policy and influence on mass consciousness by means of the Internet, social networks is analyzed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 57-83 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Funston

The United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and its allies in the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, known as the Alliance until 1974, dominated Malaysian elections for more than six decades. UMNO's winning formula was based on massive support for the politically dominant Malay community, and mobilising government institutions in support of the party. This was undermined towards the end of the 1990s by UMNO disunity, a strengthened civil society, and arrival of a digital media. Demands for comprehensive political and economic reforms ( reformasi) emerged following the controversial sacking of Deputy Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim in 1998. UMNO had its worst result ever in the 1999 election, a trend that continued in 2008 and 2013 when BN lost its popular and two-thirds majority. Najib's attempt to reverse this by strengthening the call for Malay dominance and tightening coercion failed. His deep implication in multiple corruption cases, tactical campaign errors, and a united opposition, Pakatan Harapan, led to the BN's stunning defeat.


Subject Singapore's political challenges. Significance The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) has begun what will be a lengthy leadership handover from Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong to Heng Swee Keat, currently finance minister and the PAP’s first assistant secretary-general. Speculation is mounting that Lee could bring forward the general election due by January 2021. In recent months, Singapore’s relations with Malaysia have soured. Impacts Turbulent relations with Malaysia will have no impact on the PAP’s leadership handover. Malaysia-Singapore ministerial ties will mitigate the effects of Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad’s erratic foreign policy. Judicial verdicts against legislators from the opposition Workers’ Party (WP) could worsen the WP’s already weak position in parliament. A prolonged US-China trade war would lead to a further decline in exports to China from Singapore.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 31-48
Author(s):  
Krystian Pachucki-Włosek

The article aims to present the positive and negative effects of the change in the position of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan. The article focuses on economic issues, comparing the policy of President Islam Karimov and the policy of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. The work also compares the foreign policy of both leaders towards Uzbekistan’s largest political partners: Russia and China. The above article tries to answer the question: are the changes in Uzbekistan significant after 2016 or only superficial?


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 19-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bethany Usher

This article offers statistical and discourse analysis of political leaders’ profile pages during the 2015 UK General Election ‘short campaign’ as a means to better understand the construction of political persona on Social Network Sites (SNS). It examines this as a group production and promotional activity that variously used patterns and routines of both traditional and digital media to display leaders as party branded selves.  Performances strived for balance between authority and authenticity, using the political self as a spectacle to direct microelectorates to specific actions.  This study demonstrates how self-storytelling is shaped by the coded conventions or “house rules” of SNS, which are viewed as inescapable institutions for maintaining public visibility.  It examines how linguistic and visual elements, linked to different political ideologies, chimed with Twitter and Facebook users and looks to the impact on political campaigning.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Tezar Arkaansyah Farazian ◽  
Caroline Paskarina

The 2019 Simultaneous General Election was the first election joined by the Indonesia Solidarity Party (Partai Solidaritas Indonesia or popular as PSI) to compete. In the domain of the Regional House of Representatives, the party won the most seats in the Province of the Special Capital Region of Jakarta compared to other provinces that were won by the PSI. This study aims to determine the efforts and strategies used by the Indonesia Solidarity Party, especially in the Province of Jakarta, as well as the image that was generated during the 2019 Simultaneous General Election to the public so that they could win the most seats of the Regional House of Representatives from all other provinces. This study focuses on the realm of political communication and uses the 4Ps political marketing theory (product, promotion, price, place) which was adapted from the marketing theory by Firmanzah. This study also uses a qualitative approach with case study method. The results of the research found that Jakarta Indonesia Solidarity Party focused more on candidates’ campaigns rather than promoting the party as an institution. The use of digital media as a means of promotion during the campaign period was also carried out by the Indonesia Solidarity Party, but conventional methods such as the usage of banners, blusukan (face to face visit) activities, and the distribution of merchandise to the public were also carried out in the context of political marketing by Jakarta Indonesia Solidarity Party.   Received: 11 March 2021 / Accepted: 19 June 2021 / Published: 5 September 2021


Significance This follows Prime Minister Najib Razak speaking at a rally on December 4 in support of Myanmar's stateless Rohingya Muslim minority, which is currently experiencing a security crackdown that is straining the Malaysia-Myanmar relationship. The issue is one of several foreign policy considerations facing Malaysia going into 2017. Impacts Chinese and Malay construction, finance, engineering and tourism firms will benefit from deeper bilateral ties. China-Malaysia defence ties will deepen but will be largely symbolic in coming years. The Philippines is unlikely actively to dispute Sabah State's sovereignty, avoiding a relations problem. Defending Muslims' rights could help Najib politically in Malaysia's 2018 (or earlier) general election.


Significance The centrist, 'Blairite' section of the party has been defeated and largely excluded from leadership positions. Corbyn's past statements and policy stances are widely believed to render him implausible as a potential prime minister, and thus the Labour Party unelectable with him as leader. The likelihood of the governing Conservatives winning the 2020 general election has increased. Impacts Corbyn is likely to back continued UK EU membership in the referendum, helping to protect him from an early party coup. Because of his previous ambivalence, Corbyn's backing for continued EU membership will make it harder for the left to back 'Brexit'. Foreign policy issues will be among the most difficult under Corbyn, both within the party and with the government. Given the government's small majority, Corbyn's win will make parliamentary support for air strikes against Syrian targets harder to secure. Corbyn's win is unlikely to restore Labour's fortunes in Scotland, potentially boosting support for independence.


2019 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael M. Franz ◽  
Erika Franklin Fowler ◽  
Travis Ridout ◽  
Meredith Yiran Wang

Theories of campaign issue emphasis were developed in a pre-digital era. How well do these theories explain spending in the current era, when digital media allow for targeting of specific types of voters? In this research, we compare how the 2016 campaigns, both primary and general election, deployed television advertising with how they deployed online advertising. We suggest that, because online messages are targeted to specific viewer profiles much more than television messages, television ads should be more likely to discuss highly salient issues and valance issues than online ads. To test these ideas, we rely upon data from the Wesleyan Media Project, which tracked all televised political ads that aired in 2016, and our coding of data from Pathmatics, a company that tracks online advertising. We find, contrary to our expectations, that the predictors of issue discussion online and on television are largely similar.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document