scholarly journals Old and New Uzbekistan – A comparative essay on the last years of Islam Karimov’s reign and Shavkat Mirziyoyev’s presidency

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 31-48
Author(s):  
Krystian Pachucki-Włosek

The article aims to present the positive and negative effects of the change in the position of the President of the Republic of Uzbekistan. The article focuses on economic issues, comparing the policy of President Islam Karimov and the policy of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. The work also compares the foreign policy of both leaders towards Uzbekistan’s largest political partners: Russia and China. The above article tries to answer the question: are the changes in Uzbekistan significant after 2016 or only superficial?

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 257-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirzad Azad

In spite of her troubled presidency at home and premature, ignominious exit from power, Park Geun-hye made serious attempts to bolster the main direction of the Republic of Korea’s (ROK) foreign policy toward the Middle East. A collaborative drive for accomplishing a new momentous boom was by and large a dominant and recurring theme in the Park government’s overall approach to the region. Park enjoyed both personal motivation as well as politico-economic justifications to push for such arduous yet potentially viable objective. Although the ROK’s yearning for a second boom in the Middle East was not ultimately accomplished under the Park presidency, nonetheless, the very aspiration played a crucial role in either rekindling or initiating policy measures in South Korea’s orientation toward different parts of a greater Middle East region, extending from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) to Morocco.


Author(s):  
A. FREDDIE

The article examines the place and role of democracy and human rights in South Africas foreign policy. The author analyzes the process of South Africas foreign policy change after the fall of the apartheid regime and transition to democracy. He gives characteristics of the foreign policy under different presidents of South Africa from 1994 to 2018 and analyzes the political activities of South Africa in the area of peacekeeping and human rights on the African continent.


Author(s):  
Galina Mindru ◽  

In the Republic of Moldova, the main factor contributing to the floods is the torrential rains from the warm semester of the year, which create favorable conditions for triggering strong, sometimes catastrophic floods in the rivers of the republic, especially in the smaller ones. During the study period, 40 floods with significant damage were recorded in the country, with an annual frequency ranging from 0 to 12 cases. In the administrativeterritorial profile, the damages caused by the aforementioned floods varied greatly. Based on the statistical data, a digital map was developed reflecting the degree of exposure of the territory of the Republic of Moldova in the administrative-territorial aspect to the mentioned risk, expressed by the value of the damages caused. In order to reduce the impact caused by the flood floods, measures have been developed to prevent, reduce and combat the negative effects of that risk.


2021 ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Nicole BODISHTEANU

The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.


Author(s):  
Serhii Horopakha

On 1st July 2013, the Republic of Croatia officially became the 28th member of the European Union. This event marked the fulfillment of a foreign policy goal, along with joining NATO in 2009, as a major step forward in the country’s long-term consolidation process. The article therefore analyzes the key events of the Croatia – EU relations in 2007-2008, which moved this Balkan country closer to implementing its Euro-integration course. Particular attention is paid to the peculiarities of the pre-accession negotiations with the European Union, as well as to internal and foreign policy factors that had a direct impact on the Euro-integration dialogue between Croatia and the European Union. In this context, emphasis is placed on problem issues that slowed down the dynamics of the negotiation process to a certain extent, in particular the unilateral application by Croatia of the Ecological and Fisheries Protection Zone, and measures taken by the Croatian authorities to settle them. Significant achievements of Croatia in the negotiation process with the European Union are highlighted, in particular, progress of the country in meeting the European Union criteria as well as a date determination the of pre-accession negotiations completion as an important political sign of the European Union readiness to accept a new member in future.


Author(s):  
E. Ionova

The main result of the presidential elections in Uzbekistan held on October 24, 2021 was that President Sh. Mirziyoyev received a mandate to further implement his economic and political course which provisions were set out in his election program. In the elections opponents of the president, representing in general pro-government parties, were unable to provide an effective alternative to the president's program, which, moreover, accumulated many of their proposals. In the next five years, the republic which economy is the fastest growing in Central Asia will face further economic reforms. Their effect will largely depend on the objective conditions associated primarily with the pandemic. The social program of the president, if it is actually implemented, can help smooth out the negative consequences of market reforms. Mirziyoyev’s foreign policy reflected new geopolitical landmarks of the Central Asian countries, including Afghanistan and Turkey. At the same time, the development of relations between Uzbekistan and Russia is increasing, indicating the desire of Tashkent under the leadership of Mirziyoyev to maintain balance in relations with leading foreign policy players. As a result, it can be stated that today the President of Uzbekistan has strong positions both within the country and abroad.


Author(s):  
M. M. Dzera ◽  
R. Y. Pasichnyy ◽  
A. M. Ostapchuk

The place and international position of Lebanon in the world political arena today is changing and transforming under the influence of globalization. Thus, this is not deprive, but changes the vector on the international arena and does not exclude the already acquired conservative character. Prime Minister Tamam Salam, who is the executive of the President of the Republic of Lebanon, is reforming and liberalizing the law and changing the vector of foreign policy. He doing this without leaving the traditions and religious views, also without rejecting the conservative nature of foreign and domestic policies. Although Lebanon is part of the League of Arab States, which is accused of non-democracies, it has a democratic regime for a long time. Balancing the policy of the Lebanese Republic between conservatism, traditionalism, democracy and liberalization makes Lebanon a great country for analysis, since it provides an opportunity to reflect the coexistence of democracy with the stereotyped vision of the “Islamic world”.


Zograf ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 59-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Branislav Todic

King Uros (1243-1276) erected the Church of the Holy Trinity in the Sopocani monastery in about 1270 and, in it, he prepared tombs for the first hegoumenos of Sopocani, his mother Queen Ana, for himself and the then archbishop, Joanikije (Fig. 1). Over each tomb there is a marble sarcophagus surrounded by appropriate wall paintings. The tombs of Uros and Joanikije were located in the western bay of the naos. Thus, the recently announced hypothesis, that the endowed did not intend to be buried in Sopocani, is unfounded. The intention of King Uros was only brought into question in 1276 when he was driven from the throne by his older son, Dragutin. The overthrow caused a major drama in the family, the state and the Church. King Uros retired to the southern part of the state (Hum), where he became a monk and subsequently died (perhaps in 1277). His wife Jelena received vast territories from her son, the new king, which she practically ruled independently, while Archbishop Joanikije, after having denied Dragutin his blessing, retired with the former king and died in the region of Pilot in 1279. King Dragutin (1276-1282) made a great effort to mitigate the negative effects of the overthrow: he continued his father's foreign policy established good relations with neighboring Dubrovnik, took pains to appease his mother, Queen Jelena, by granting her vast territories, and to win the support of the Church by erecting, repairing or presenting gifts to several churches and monasteries. He certainly obtained the Sopocani monastery through hereditary ktetorial rights.


2017 ◽  
pp. 135-149
Author(s):  
Celina M. Masek

Since the beginning of the 90’s there have been strong emotions associated with the emergence of many groups called cults in Poland. These groups are accused of illicit and unethical methods to recruit new members and their psychological dependence, resulting in blind obedience to leaders. Sects, carrying out their activities in the form of various types of religious formations, religious associations, churches and other religious organizations, brought to life after 1989 in Poland, operate on the basis of three acts, which include: 1. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997 ; 2. The Act on Guarantees of freedom of conscience and religion of 17 May 1989; 3. Act of April 7, 1989 r.- Law on Associations. Given the range of opinions and concerns regarding the issue of regulation of sects in Poland this question , posed in particular by the lawyer, of the legal status of the activities of religious sects , and in a broader aspect of their place in the modern world, seems to be reasonable, what is confirmed by the media , but mostly by the facts of the activities of these groups in society. As for the international standards, nowadays there are more and more information about the negative effects of the activity of sects throughout the world, what raised interest of social institutions and the authorities of individual countries in this subject. It encouraged the authorities to create an overall analysis to assess the degree of harmfulness of newly established movements, both in a national and international level. Especially in the late eighties of the twentieth century all kinds of reports and other documents devoted to the problem of sects and new religious movements began to appear. The theme was taken also by the representatives of Communities: Council of Europe, the European Union, as well as organs of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. These acts are only recommendations. They are mainly opinion- forming acts and have no legal force. However, in countries, they are crucial, because they are issued by important authorities To sum up, the activity of sects arouses interest in Europe. Although each country has different guidelines and varied range of impact, collaboration is indispensable nowadays.


2021 ◽  
Vol 79 (2) ◽  
pp. 110-121
Author(s):  
Alexandru LUCINESCU

Currently, the definition of security that was put forward in 1952 by Arnold Wolfers in his article “National Security as an Ambiguous Symbol” is widely cited within the field of security studies while the definition of this concept that have been advanced by Walter Lippmann in his book from 1943, “US foreign policy: Shield of the Republic” is largely absent, a situation which hinders the turning into a research topic of the connections between these definitions. However, there are authors who cite both the definition of security advanced by Wolfers and the definition of it put forward by Lippmann, but they either do not mention the existence of connections between these definitions or take notice of them but do not investigate them, with the consequence that a thoughtful consideration of this problem is lacking. In order to fill this gap in the study of the early stages of the development of security studies, this article provides an in-depth investigation of the links between the two definitions of security which reveals that Wolfers’ reflection on security was meant to explain implicit aspects of Lippmann’s definition of this concept but that eventually and somehow unintentional Wolfers advanced a different perspective on security.


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