scholarly journals CHILE AND JAPAN DURING THE PINOCHET REGIME, 1974-1989: the pragmatic alliance

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
César Ross

<p>This article is based on an unpublished documents filed in the Historical Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Chile for the period 1974-1989. This analysis has enabled file review and refute an important part of the current debate.</p><p>This research allows us to affirm that the military regime not only practic a foreign policy "Praetorian ideological" as he claimed the debate so far, but a pragmatic policy. This policy will not only survive allowed in its period, but survived beyond its end.</p>

2013 ◽  
Vol 05 (03) ◽  
pp. 5-16
Author(s):  
Lance L P GORE

The new foreign policy team is more professional and with an Asian focus than its older counterpart. Although still fragmented, it may have stronger leadership and better coordination. This is critically important because China is at a defining moment as to its international role. Xi Jinping's closer ties with the military and his hands-on style may encourage assertive nationalism and more active role of the military in foreign affairs.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-20
Author(s):  
Guido Provoost

Studying the Belgian military and foreign policy from 1934 till 1937, one can conclude to the following working hypotheses. The conflict between the King (and His entourage) and the Cabinet about the competency over military policy and military command has had a large influence on the acute phase of the Question Royale 1940-1950.The policy of independence of 1936 which has been imputed later on to the King and for which He has been blamed, is rather contained in the military and foreign policy of the successive Belgian governments from 1930 on, inspired by Paul Hymans, minister of foreign affairs at that time.


Asian Survey ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 168-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kitti Prasirtsuk

Under the military regime, Thailand struggled to design a new constitution. As the recently drafted document was rejected, another Constitutional Drafting Committee was installed, in effect delaying the return to electoral democracy for almost a year, until mid-2017 or so. Meanwhile, a bomb blast in downtown Bangkok that killed about 20 people revealed not only the risk of international terrorism but also the dilemma of Thai foreign policy.


Significance Discussion included the Northern Alliance of four ethnic minority armed groups fighting the Tatmadaw in north-eastern Myanmar bordering China. The meeting exemplifies the military's formal and central political role in Myanmar’s foreign affairs. Impacts The civilian-led government will share responsibility (and blame) with the military for continued internal conflicts. Military crackdowns on ethnic militias and the Rohingya will cause foreign policy controversy for the civilian government. The Tatmadaw and civilian government could clash over defence expenditure levels.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (6) ◽  
pp. 260-270
Author(s):  
Danvas Ogeto Mabeya

During the 1970’s, majority of states, including Kenya followed the practice of recognizing states and not governments. In so doing, they downplayed the granting of formal recognition to new governments. Kenya’s policy, then, was clearly stated in parliament in 1971 when the then foreign affairs minister, Dr. Njoroge Mungai, was asked to comment on the Kenya government’s position on the military regime of General Idi Amin of Uganda. He stated, “Kenya could not afford to interfere with internal matters of another state nor let any state interfere with internal matters of Kenya.” However, during the Post–Cold War period, Kenya’s recognition policy underwent major transformations to include recognition of de jure governments. This study critically examines Kenya’s practice during and after the Cold War in a bid to reveal any distinct policy trends if any. The study aims to ascertain how, Kenya’s recognition policy, has largely, been formulated, articulated and exercised during Moi’s administration (1978-1990).


2021 ◽  
pp. 581-592
Author(s):  
Igor K. Bogomolov ◽  

The article publishes a letter from the chairman of the Petrograd Military Censorship Commission, Nikolai Ivanovich Levitsky, to the manager of the Press and Information Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Alexander Iosifovich Lysakovsky (dated December 22, 1916). In the letter, Levitsky insists on the need to include representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the military censorship commission on a permanent basis. At the time, a different scheme was in effect: Levitsky sent diplomatic materials (newspaper and magazine articles, books, pamphlets, and cartoons) for verification to the Press and Information Department, which made its decision on their further fate. Levitsky pointed out the complexity and slowness of this scheme, which led to delays in printing, dissatisfaction of authors and editors. The main problem, Levitsky acknowledged, was insufficient competence of censors in foreign policy matters. Meanwhile, by the end of 1916, the topic of diplomatic censorship had become quite relevant. As the war drew to a close, more and more material appeared in press about the post-war world order and Russia's future relations with its allies and adversaries. Against this background, Levitsky advocated the inclusion of representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as censors. The idea itself was not new: in the autumn of 1916, the headquarters of the Northern Front had submitted a project to reform the Petrograd military censorship in order to improve its efficiency. The main focus of the project was on expanding its staff and creating new departments in the Petrograd Military Censorship Commission. The representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was also to be included in the commission. Levitsky’s proposals followed the emerging trend: enhanced staffing and centralization of the military censorship, closer interaction of departments in order to increase its effectiveness. Lysakovsky approved the suggestion. Since January 1917, five officials of the ministry had been sent to the Petrograd Military Censorship Commission for daily and round-the-clock viewing of the press. However, this cooperation did not last: after the February Revolution, Foreign Ministry officials were released from the censorship work following the actual cessation of the preliminary censorship of press in Petrograd. Nevertheless, the unrealized project became a harbinger of future organization of press censorship after the Bolshevik’s assumption of power. The published document shows that the February Revolution was only a break in the process of censorship centralization and strengthening control over the press by the Russian state.


2014 ◽  
Vol 06 (04) ◽  
pp. 13-25
Author(s):  
Ji YOU

The PLA role in China's foreign policy is integral and deep. Politically it follows overall civilian primacy in foreign policy-making. Militarily the PLA sticks to assertiveness/war aversion dynamics in tackling external security threats, especially over territorial disputes. Functionally, the PLA abides by a top-down division of labour with diplomats. The PLA role in foreign policy-making can be overtly influential, as national/security/military-related foreign affairs are generally more important.


2019 ◽  
pp. 78-90
Author(s):  
Ihor Datskiv

The article deals with the relationship between the West Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Ukrainian People’s Republic during the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921. Within this framework, the military-political union and the interaction in the diplomatic sphere between the UPR and the WUPR are examined. It is noted that the question of the Union of the WUPR with Dnipro Ukraine arose due to the large-scale aggression of Poland in the West and the offensive of the Bolsheviks from the East. However, it was envisaged that the WUPR would be granted broad autonomy with its own army and government. The WUPR received considerable military and material aid from the UPR, which contributed to the war with a much stronger enemy. It is argued that after the union was created, there was a need for harmonization and co-ordination of foreign policy of the states and their foreign affairs agencies. As a result, those institutions acquired all-Ukrainian status. However, this did not affect WUPR missions in the countries that emerged in the territories of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, namely Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. Other diplomatic missions become common for the UPR and the WUPR. The article states that over time certain controversies emerged as for the vision of foreign policy priorities of the WUPR and the UPR. The government and military leadership of the WUPR began to cooperate with the Bolsheviks. One of the reasons is the lack of power of the WUPR armed forces and the Bolshevik sympathy towards them. Besides, the increasing number of Galician and Dnipro Ukraine politicians and diplomats offered Y. Petrushevych to change his foreign policy orientation, distance himself from S. Petliura and be guided solely by his own interests. In turn, S. Petliura forged an agreement on behalf of the UPR on the recognition of Eastern Galicia as part of Poland and the rejection of previous acts of national unity. The article also deals with the process of establishing the military cooperation of the WUPR with the Bolsheviks and the agreements inter se. Keywords: WUPR, UPR, military-political alliance, diplomacy, foreign policy, Bolsheviks.


Author(s):  
Michael N. Barnett

How do American Jews envision their role in the world? Are they tribal—a people whose obligations extend solely to their own? Or are they prophetic—a light unto nations, working to repair the world? This book is an interpretation of the effects of these worldviews on the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews since the nineteenth century. The book argues that it all begins with the political identity of American Jews. As Jews, they are committed to their people's survival. As Americans, they identify with, and believe their survival depends on, the American principles of liberalism, religious freedom, and pluralism. This identity and search for inclusion form a political theology of prophetic Judaism that emphasizes the historic mission of Jews to help create a world of peace and justice. The political theology of prophetic Judaism accounts for two enduring features of the foreign policy beliefs of American Jews. They exhibit a cosmopolitan sensibility, advocating on behalf of human rights, humanitarianism, and international law and organizations. They also are suspicious of nationalism—including their own. Contrary to the conventional wisdom that American Jews are natural-born Jewish nationalists, the book charts a long history of ambivalence; this ambivalence connects their early rejection of Zionism with the current debate regarding their attachment to Israel. And, the book contends, this growing ambivalence also explains the rising popularity of humanitarian and social justice movements among American Jews.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
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Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article


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