scholarly journals Social trauma and the theatre: a study of the formation of a non-conformist identity

2013 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 9-18
Author(s):  
Vitalija Truskauskaite
Keyword(s):  
Identity Formation ◽  
Present Article ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Trauma Studies ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Social Trauma ◽  
The Social

The present article aims to analyze the social trauma implicit in the representation of the nonconformist identity formation in Judita Vaiciunaite’s play The Siege (Lithuanian Apsiaustis) directed by Giedrius Mackevicius. The play reflects on the experiences and inner states of characters as they struggle to survive in a seized city, wherein the motif of the seized city alludes to the political situation of Kaunas as a city seized by the totalitarian system. The play was performed by an amateur group in 1971 in the Kaunas Trade Unions Palace of Culture. The study relies on trauma studies by Danute Gailiene for the analysis of Giedrius Mackevicius’ debut experience; also it refers to the semantics of Judita Vaiciunaite’s play The Siege. In the staging of The Siege in 1971, on the contrary, the universal thematic dimension of this drama was emphasized.

IMPACT OF ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE REGION ON THE LEVEL OF SOCIAL TENSION

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-209
Author(s):  
A.A. ALEKSEYENOK ◽  
◽  
Yu.V. KAIRA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Two Dimensional ◽  
Sociological Analysis ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Social Tension ◽  
The Social ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
Sociological Studies ◽  
Correlation Tables

The purpose of the article is to determine the influence of the socio-economic and socio-political situation in the Orel region on the level of social tension. The research methodology is a sociological analysis of the respondents' answers about the socio-economic and socio-political situation in the region, as well as the level of social tension using two-dimensional analysis and correlation tables. As a result, the importance of conducting monitoring sociological studies of the main indicators of the social development of the region has been substantiated. It was revealed that the population of the region believes that the state of affairs in the economic sphere in the region is much worse than in the country as a whole. Despite the fact that the majority of respondents note an improvement in the political situation in the region, the fact that every third resident of the region declares that it has deteriorated is quite alarming. The authors come to the conclusion that dissatisfaction with the socio-political and socio-economic situation directly affects the civic position of the population, affects the growth of social tension. It is summarized that social tension is a complex multifactorial phenomenon that cannot be interpreted unambiguously. Therefore, to monitor it, constant research should be carried out.

Moving against Disappearance

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Richard Giersdorf
Keyword(s):  
East Germany ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
The West ◽  
Pedestrian Movement ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Social ◽  
East German

Nearly a year after the fall of the Berlin Wall, East Germany was subsumed into the West German national structure. As a result, the distinct political systems, institutions, and cultures that characterized East Germany have nearly completely vanished. In some instances, this history was actively—and physically—eradicated by the unified Germany. This chapter works against the disappearance of East German culture by reconstructing the physicality of the walk across the border on the day of the opening of the Berlin Wall and two choreographic works depicting East German identities on stage. The initial re-creation of the choreography of a pedestrian movement provides a social, political, and methodological context that relates the two dance productions to the social movement of East German citizens. Both works take stances on the political situation in East Germany during and after the opening of the Berlin Wall in 1989, although one is by a West German artist, Sasha Waltz, and the other by East German choreographer Jo Fabian.

scholarly journals A CONTROVERSA RELAÇÃO DE J.-J. ROUSSEAU COM A REPÚBLICA DE GENEBRA

Sapere Aude ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (19) ◽  
pp. 157-171
Author(s):  
Vital Francisco Celestino Alves
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Political Thought ◽  
Political Order ◽  
Central Axis ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Republic

Na filosofia de Jean-Jacques Rousseau encontramos diversos elogios a modelos políticos oriundos da Antiguidade (Esparta e Roma), assim como outros elogios à República de Genebra. A esse último modelo, o pensador dedica a obra Discurso sobre a origem e os fundamentos da desigualdade entre os homens. Entretanto, até que ponto se pode afirmar que a ordenação política genebrina influenciou e contribuiu para a formação do pensamento político de Rousseau? Tendo essa questão como eixo central e objetivando produzir uma reflexão sobre a Genebra de Rousseau, o presente artigo pretende: primeiro, descrever como era a ordem política genebrina; segundo, tratar da relação entre Rousseau e Genebra; e, por último, correlacionar a posição que ocupa a cidade natal do autor com os seus escritos políticos apresentados na Dedicatória e no Contrato social e examinar a consistência das três principais linhas interpretativas que relacionam Genebra à filosofia política de Rousseau.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Rousseau. República de Genebra. Relação.ABSTRACTIn the philosophy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau we find several compliments to political models coming from Antiquity (Sparta and Rome), as well as other compliments to the Republic of Geneva. To this last model, the thinker dedicates the work Discourse on the Origin and Basis of Inequality Among Men. However, to what extent can one affirm that the political order of Geneva influenced and contributed to the formation of Rousseau's political thought? With this question as the central axis and aiming to produce a reflection on Rousseau's Geneva, the present article aims to: first, describe the Genevan political, second, deal with Rousseau's relationship with Geneva, and, finally, correlate the position the author's hometown occupies with his political writings presented in the Dedication and the Social Contract and examine the consistency of the three main interpretive lines relating Geneva to Rousseau's political philosophy.KEYWORDS: Rousseau. Republic of Geneva. Relationship.

scholarly journals Szczerość i autotematyzm. Przypadek dwóch tekstów publicystycznych Wilhelma Macha

Wielogłos ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 69-86
Author(s):  
Adriana Kovacheva
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Concern ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Soviet Philosopher ◽  
Time Reading ◽  
Thaw Period

Sincerity and Autothematism. The Case of Two Journalistic Texts by Wilhelm Mach In the present article I examine in detail two journalistic texts by the Polish writer Wilhelm Mach. The main concern of the analysis is Mach’s implicit anxiety to be sincere. I am arguing here that the requirement for sincerity is intricately connected with the political atmosphere of the Thaw period in Poland, which began after Stalin’s death. I put forward the thesis that Mach’s positive validation of sincerity influences his programmatic metafiction and constitutes a reaction to the political situation. At the same time, reading the writer’s proposals against the background of the then-popular Soviet philosopher Vladimir Pamerancev’s ideas, I demonstrate that Mach is not convinced by the model of subjectivity behind the idea of honesty promoted at the time. His awareness of the role of literary conventions leads him to ironic subversion of the idea of directness and sincerity in literature.

scholarly journals Evaluation of Quality in Computer Games

2006 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kjetil Sandvik
Keyword(s):  
Computer Games ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Strategy ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Media ◽  
Game Industry ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Computer games play an important role in the cultural daily life of children, teenagers and adults. This has led to arguments both in the EU and the Nordic countries that computer games should be included in the culture political strategies for financial funding as well as the development of talents for the game industry. Still this has yet to result in culture political efforts and progressive strategies on a larger scale. On the contrary the political initiatives tend to result in restrictions more than efforts being made to encourage and develop the game industry. This article draws a picture of the current culture political situation and criticizes the media skeptical debate for making a poor starting point for formulating a progressive political strategy. It would be more fruitful to have a closer look at the specific characteristics of computer games and how computer games are being played and the role they are playing in the social life of different groups of player. The article outlines ananalytical apparatus for evaluation of quality in computer games.

Social Policy and European Union Politics

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Daly
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Social Policy ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Policy Model ◽  
The Social ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
The Eu

Social policy has a particular character and set of associated politics in the European Union (EU) context. There is a double contestation involved: the extent of the EU’s agency in the field and the type of social policy model pursued. The former is contested because social policy is typically and traditionally a matter of national competence and the latter because the social policy model is crucial to economic and market development. Hence, social policy has both functional and political significance, and EU engagement risks member states’ capacity to control the social fate of their citizens and the associated resources, authority, and power that come with this capacity. The political contestations are at their core territorially and/or social class based; the former crystalizes how wide and extensive the EU authority should be in social policy and the latter a left/right continuum in regard to how redistributive and socially interventionist EU social policy should be. Both are the subject of a complicated politics at EU level. First, there is a diverse set of agents involved, not just member states and the “political” EU institutions (Parliament and Council) but the Commission is also an important “interested” actor. This renders institutional politics and jockeying for power typical features of social policymaking in the EU. Second, one has to break down the monolith of the EU institutions and recognize that within and among them are actors or units that favor a more left or right position on social policy. Third, actors’ positions do not necessarily align on the two types of contestation (apart perhaps from the social nongovernmental organizations and to a lesser extent employers and business interests). Some actors who favor an extensive role for social policy in general are skeptical about the role of the EU in this regard (e.g., trade unions, some social democratic parties) while others (some sectors of the Commission) wish for a more expansive EU remit in social policy but also support a version of social policy pinned tightly to market and economic functions. In this kind of context, the strongest and most consistent political thrust is toward a type of EU social policy that is most clearly oriented to enabling the Union’s economic and market-related objectives. Given this and the institutional set-up, the default position in EU social policy is for a market-making social policy orientation on the one hand and a circumscribed role for the EU in social policy on the other.

Does Verbatim Theatre Still Talk the Nation Talk?

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 206-219
Author(s):  
Cyrielle Garson
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Argument ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
National Theatre ◽  
The Social ◽  
Cherry Blossom ◽  
Entire Nation ◽  
Verbatim Theatre ◽  
British Culture

AbstractIn a post-Brexit (and perhaps even post-truth) context, the entire nation is going through an intense period of self-scrutiny, attempting to find a way forward for British culture despite a growing climate of divisive and destructive trends. As ever, verbatim theatre, spearheaded by Rufus Norris’ National Theatre, has sought to provide some answers in its relentless examination of the state of Britain. However, since the renaissance of verbatim theatre in the mid-1990s, the political situation has worsened considerably and it may appear that the typical strategies of verbatim theatre have lost their efficacy, struggling to provide a much-needed alternative. In this article, I will assess some of verbatim theatre’s latest developments in the 21st century through three main case studies, which are DV8’s To Be Straight with You (2007), Catherine Grosvenor’s Cherry Blossom (2008) and Alecky Blythe’s Little Revolution (2014). My main argument is that, notwithstanding the claims to the contrary, verbatim theatre is far from being in decline and it has continued to fluctuate, transform and exceed its familiar parameters, urging us to rethink its general aesthetic coordinates beyond the project of documentary realism and that of a national ‘shadow archive.’ More specifically and drawing from a variety of recent examples including the aforementioned case studies, I will argue that verbatim theatre in this period has a post-postmodern proclivity to make new connections across the fragments and re-construct the social.

Het lidmaatschap van sociale organisaties en trouw stemgedrag

Res Publica ◽  
1995 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-29
Author(s):  
Jaak Billiet
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Substantial Effect ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The Social ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Age Category

The relationships between the political parties (Christian Democrats, Socialists and Liberals) and the social movements that emerged in the last part of the previous century has been described as a pillarized form of intermediation. The political parties were built on the major cleavages that divided the Belgium society and the links between each organisational network (pillar) and the political party were exclusive, stable, and formal (or structural) . In the so-called new social movements, the links with the political parties are specific, unstable, and informal. A vast and stable support for each network party by the majority of the members of the social organisations that belang to each network (or 'world') is one of the conditions for an adequate functioning of the model of pillarized intermediation. Is that condition still met in Flanders after the General Elections ofNovember 24, 1991 ?This study, based on a sample of 2,691 Flemish voters, shows strong differences in 'faithful' and stable voting behaviour according to the generation and the kind of involvement in the social organisations (trade unions, health insurance organisations, and Christian Labour Movement).  Among the generations that were born after 1945, the proportion of electoral 'movers' is larger than the proportion ofvoters that remain faithful to their network party. In the generations born before 1945, stable and faithful voting behaviour is still dominant in the three traditional political families. The more involvement in the Christian Labour Movement, the higher the degree of stable voting behaviour in favour of the Christian Democratie Party. A logistic regression analysis with church involvement, age category, urban environment, and several organizational variabels shows thatmembership of social organisations still has a substantial effect on stable voting behaviour. The future of the pillarized model of intermediation is discussed in view of these results.

scholarly journals NATIONAL POLICY IN KAZAKHSTAN IN 40-90-IES OF XX CENTURY: SUCCESSES AND EXTRACTIONS.

2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
A.S. Sarsen ◽  
◽  
L.B Berdyguzhin ◽  
D.U. Khamidullina ◽  
◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Social Status ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
National Policy ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Demographic Situation ◽  
National Team ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Social Sphere ◽  
The Social

The article examines the personnel potential of rural areas of Kazakhstan in 1950-1980: National composition, quantitative and qualitative indicators. There is information about the personnel deployed in connection with the political situation in the country. Personnel issues among peoples who came to Kazakhstan as a result of different leftist policies of the state, the influx of people of different nationalities, their competitive work in various sectors of the economy, despite their low social status, their impact on the demographic situation. As a result, the influence of the national team in the economic, educational, cultural and sports spheres is taken into account. The contribution of scientists who came to the territory of Kazakhstan to the development of science and the development of the social sphere as a result of the work of different nationalities is also important

scholarly journals Social activity of Carpatho-Ukrainian students in interwar Brno (renovation according to the found sources)

2021 ◽  
pp. 38-47
Author(s):  
Kostiantyn Kutsov
Keyword(s):  
Slovak Republic ◽  
Social Activity ◽  
Student Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Local Students ◽  
The University ◽  
High Technical School

For today the social activity of Carpatho-Ukrainian students in Brno is known to be the least studied issue in the history of the Carpatho-Ukrainian student movement in the period of interwar Czechoslovakia. Based on all available archival and published sources, in this study the attempt is made to reconstruct and analyse the process of formation and development of public activity of Ukrainian students (natives of modern Transcarpathian region (Ukraine) and Presov self-governing region (the Slovak Republic)), who in the 1920 – 1930s studied at higher education institutions in Brno (the University named after Masaryk, High Technical School, High Vet School). The author of the article states that the social activity of Carpatho-Ukrainian students in Brno developed in several stages. The first stage is the second half of the 1920s, the period when Prague student associations such as the Ukrainophile Union of Subcarpathian Students; and the Russophile society Vozrozhdenie (Rebirth) extended their activities in Brno some local students not only became their members but also formed some of their non-formal centers in Brno (e.g. Union of Subcarpathian Ruthenian Students). However, due to the decrease in the number of Carpatho-Ukrainian students at local universities, this process soon slowed down. Next stage is the second half of 1930s. At that time, relatively large independent Carpatho-Ukrainian student organizations – Russophile Society Verkhovina (1936) and the Subcarpathian Academic Society (1937) formed and gradually intensified in their activity in Brno. However, due to the political situation in the Czechoslovak Republic in 1938 – 1939, their activities ended. More information about the issue discussed in the article can be found in the original documents kept at the archival institutions of Brno.

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