scholarly journals POLICY AND PRACTICE: REFLEKSI PERJANJIAN DAMAI HELSINKI 2005-2018: KESUKSESAN DAN TANTANGAN KEDEPAN

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-51
Author(s):  
M. Ya'kub Aiyub Kadir
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
The People ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Cultural Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic

This paper is a reflection of the peace agreement between the Free Aceh Movement and the Government of Indonesia from 2005 to 2018. There have been improvement after a decade but there are still challenges that must be realized. The Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (known as Helsinky peace agreement) on 15 August 2005 resulted a consensus that Aceh could have greater rights than before, as stipulated in the Law on Governing Aceh number 11/2006. Thus, Aceh has more authorities to redefine the political, economic, social and cultural status in the Republic of Indonesia system. This paper attempts to analyze this problem through a historical description of the movement of the Acehnese people, in the hope of contributing to increasing understanding of the concept of the Helsinki peace agreement in the context of sustainable peace and welfare improvement for the people of Aceh

Social Representations of a Controversial Peace Agreement: Subjective Public Meanings of the GRP-MILF MOA

2011 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-72
Author(s):  
Cristina Jayme Montiel ◽  
Judith M. de Guzman
Keyword(s):  
Social Representations ◽  
Local Level ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Public Meanings

Using social representations theory, we studied the social meanings of a controversial Memorandum of Agreement (MOA) between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. In Study One, we describe the discursive content of the social debate by content analyzing articles from newspapers and selected websites. Study Two uses a survey to examine the fit between social representations of the political elite, as found in media, and the nonelite in Mindanao territories where the MOA was hotly contested. Study Three presents the social representations of the MOA at the local level through analysis of key informant interviews and archival data. Discriminant analysis on survey data shows that in general, the debate of political elites in media mirrors the contentions on-the-ground. However, the issue of constitutionality was only taken up by the political elite. Our findings suggest that the political stumble of the GRP-MILF peace process lay in a lack of procedural fairness and an on-the-ground participatory process acceptable to all antagonistic parties. However, the socially represented fair procedure is not about conventional democratic ways like using or not using a constitutional frame, but rather about pragmatic positioning and public consultations.

Aceh Conflict Resolution By The Government Of Indonesia

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 158
Author(s):  
Ady Muzwardi ◽  
Z Zulhilmi
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Tsunami Disaster ◽  
The People ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
The Government ◽  
Personalized Approach

Aceh peace is a new dynamic on the resolution of conflicts in the region. Eight years have passed and the agreement was signed by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Government, while the MoU (Memorandum of Understanding) agreed in 2005. The signing of the MoU symbolically ends Aceh conflict which is prolonged for three decades. Moreover the notable occurance that leads to the weakening of GAM strength is that by December 26, 2004 earthquake and tsunami has devastated the communities in terms of infrastructure and superstructure. While spirit to rebuild Aceh after the disaster emerged, amount of aid coming in the country from as well as foreign institutions such as NGO. The government of Indonesia took this chance to develop Aceh once again and approach GAM to release the tense, to take the path of peace. The government efforts succeed by personalized approach to one of the central figures of GAM.The conflict in Aceh reflects that lobbying skill from the government of Indonesia against GAM is quite excellent. To notice the reconstruction of Aceh peace agreement before, the Cessation of Hostility Agreement (COHA) initiated by the Henry Dunant Center (HDC) stalled. The struggle embodied in the MoU agreement which is initiated by the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) actually formed by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. While it is done further implementation is left to the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) led by Pieter Feith. In this mission AMM successfully carry out their duties in accordance with the agreement so that it runs alltogether. AMM ended its duties on December 15, 2006 and successfully reconcile the peace process (AMM: 2006). Furthermore, Indonesian Government gives freedom of democracy actively for Aceh and GAM combatants.Troop’s withdrawal process also the destruction of non-organic military and police weapons of the GAM runs smoothly. Then the GAM combatants reintegrate into society, this task successfully executed by AMM. Furthermore, the Government implements the sustainability of the peace process systematically. Implementation of this peace process is necessary because people of Aceh are already saturated with conflict that endured so long. The people hope this peace could maintain significant and permanent. Fortunately all parties are able to hold theirselves up to prevent new conflicts. Above all, Aceh peace is also a very elegant example as a process of consensus building and conflict resolution models. Aceh peace could become a reference for other regions and countries in the world which is also facing separatist conflict issue.Moreover, Aceh peace could also sinergically perform post-tsunami reconstruction of the area. The Government creates the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Agency (BRR) to reconstruct the area after the tsunami disaster. This peace model could also reintegrate and reconcile thw ex-combatant to back mingling with the public. Democratic process in Aceh is also running well, starting with local elections on December 11, 2006. Currently Aceh is very pleasant city for living and we expect peace in Aceh could maintain eternally.

scholarly journals Textual Analysis of Power of the Government of Indonesia and Aceh in the Helsinki MoU

TEKNOSASTIK ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Rosaria Mita Amalia
Keyword(s):  
Natural Disasters ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
Third Party ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Ethno-national conflict in Aceh struggling for independence from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia was waged for almost three decades since 1976. The military approach taken by the Government of Indonesia (GOI) for years was unable to bring the conflict to an end. Since then, conflict resolution through diplomatic mechanism was initiated by involving third party mediator. The massive natural disasters, earthquake and the tsunami that hit the region in December 2004 prior to the peace agreement between Government of Indonesia and GAM (Free Aceh Movement). The parties committed to agree the memorandum of understanding which known as Helsinki MoU. This research questions whose party more powerful is, Government of Indonesia or Aceh The question can be answered by using Critical Discourse Analysis as a tool. The linguistics instruments can show power which is dominated or not by one of the parties. Based on the findings in this study, it is confirmed that no one from two parties is more powerful than another. It is shown that the power between GOI and GAM is balanced. In other words, based on the analysis of MOU Helsinki, their position is adequate.

scholarly journals IMPLIKASI LIBERALISASI PERDAGANGAN TERHADAP SEKTOR GARAM NASIONAL (Studi Kasus Kebijakan Garam Impor di Jawa Timur)

LITIGASI ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Djafar Albram
Keyword(s):  
Well Being ◽  
Business Community ◽  
Local Market ◽  
Sovereign State ◽  
Trade Regulation ◽  
The People ◽  
Self Sufficiency ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Political Economic

Salt commodity is a strategic commodity to be  a political commodity that is able to rip the State and government sovereignty, a commodity that has always been a struggle for certain political economic power. Nation's dependence on imported salt product has arrived at an alarming rate, and therefore the salt production in the homeland must be done independently, not always depend imported products that Indonesia as a sovereign state can achieve its goals towards national food salt self-sufficiency which is launched by the government in 2014-2015 can be realized immediately in order to provide prosperity and well-being for all the people as mandated in the constitution in 1945. This research aimed at rising the problems currently busy talking concerning the proliferation of salt imported from Australia, India, China and Malaysia. Signaled background in economic business community about the government policy, in this case the Ministry of Trade of the Republic of Indonesia (KEMENPERINDAG RI) contained in the Ministry of Trade Regulation No.. 58/M-DAG/PER/9/2012 on the Salt Import dated 4 September 2012. In fact the legal discretion product has not met interest of subject national salting economic business, in terms of policies that made, it not show the pro-active alignments to businessman in this country which is said as a rich abundant of the maritime resources. The apparent contradictory actions in a brightly by opening import faucets of salt flooding the local market in the country.Keywords    : Economic, Self-Sufficiency, Food, Salt, National.ABSTRAKKomoditas garam merupakan komoditas strategis, menjadi komoditas politik yang mampu mengoyak kedaulatan Negara dan pemerintah. Ketergantungan bangsa terhadap produk impor garam telah sampai pada tingkat yang mengkhawatirkan, oleh karenanya produksi garam di tanah air harus bisa dilakukan secara mandiri, tidak selalu tergantung produk impor agar Indonesia sebagai negara berdaulat dapat mencapai cita-citanya menuju swasembada pangan garam nasional  yang dicanangkan pemerintah pada tahun  2014-2015 dapat segera terwujud dalam rangka memberikan kemakmuran dan kesejahteraan bagi segenap masyarakat sesuai amanat  Undang-Undang Dasar tahun 1945. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengangkat  permasalahan yang ramai dibicarakan saat ini tentang membanjirnya garam  impor dari Australia, India, China dan Malaysia. Dilatar belakangi sinyalemen di masyarakat kalangan dunia usaha ekonomi tentang adanya  kebijakan  pemerintah dalam hal ini Kementerian Perdagangan Republik Indonesia (KEMENPERINDAG R.I) yang tertuang dalam Peraturan Kemendag Nomor. 58/M-DAG/PER/9/2012 tentang Ketentuan Impor Garam tertanggal 4 September 2012. Pada kenyataannya produk hukum kebijakannya belum memenuhi kepentingan pelaku usaha ekonomi pergaraman nasional, dalam arti kebijakan yang dibuat itu tidak menunjukkan keberpihakannya kepada pelaku usaha di negeri ini yang katanya kaya raya melimpah ruah sumber kelautannya. Tindakan kontradiktif tersebut terlihat jelas secara terang benderang yaitu dengan dibukanya kran impor garam yang membanjiri pasar lokal di tanah air.Kata kunci :     Ekonomi,  Swasembada, Pangan, Garam, Nasional.

scholarly journals Pergeseran Fungsi Legislasi DPRD dalam Pembentukan Peraturan Daerah Untuk Memperkuat Kedudukan DPRD dalam Penyelenggaraan Pemerintahan Daerah

Wajah Hukum ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Dasril Radjab
Keyword(s):  
Local Governance ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
The Reformation ◽  
Full Sense ◽  
Significant Change ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Head Area

That with the presence of refomasi against the holding of the Government of the Republic of Indonesia, there was a significant change towards the function of legislation. If prior to the reformation by the UU No. 5 of the year 1974 the main legislation function is in the hands of the head Area, then after the Reformation was gradually shifted to the functions of DPRD, while the head of the Region carry out the Change was discussed along with Representatives The People Of The Region. Peregeseran the function of legislation to DPRD, then the seat of DPRD from both the political and juridical aspects become increasingly powerful as the element that organizes local governance. Disaran implementation of the function of legislation should run properly in the full sense of responsibility as well as follow all stages of the formation of local regulations that cover the stages of planning, drafting, discussion, enactment, assignment, and peyebarluasan 

scholarly journals ACEH CONFLICT RESOLUTION BY THE GOVERNMENT OF INDONESIA

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 158-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zulhilmi ◽  
Ady Muzwardi
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Indonesian Government ◽  
Tsunami Disaster ◽  
The People ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
The Government ◽  
Personalized Approach

Aceh peace is a new dynamic on the resolution of conflicts in the region. Eight years have passed and the agreement was signed by the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Indonesian Government, while the MoU (Memorandum of Understanding) agreed in 2005. The signing of the MoU symbolically ends Aceh conflict which is prolonged for three decades. Moreover the notable occurance that leads to the weakening of GAM strength is that by December 26, 2004 earthquake and tsunami has devastated the communities in terms of infrastructure and superstructure. While spirit to rebuild Aceh after the disaster emerged, amount of aid coming in the country from as well as foreign institutions such as NGO. The government of Indonesia took this chance to develop Aceh once again and approach GAM to release the tense, to take the path of peace. The government efforts succeed by personalized approach to one of the central figures of GAM. The conflict in Aceh reflects that lobbying skill from the government of Indonesia against GAM is quite excellent. To notice the reconstruction of Aceh peace agreement before, the Cessation of Hostility Agreement (COHA) initiated by the Henry Dunant Center (HDC) stalled. The struggle embodied in the MoU agreement which is initiated by the Crisis Management Initiative (CMI) actually formed by former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari. While it is done further implementation is left to the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) led by Pieter Feith. In this mission AMM successfully carry out their duties in accordance with the agreement so that it runs alltogether. AMM ended its duties on December 15, 2006 and successfully reconcile the peace process (AMM: 2006). Furthermore, Indonesian Government gives freedom of democracy actively for Aceh and GAM combatants. Troop’s withdrawal process also the destruction of non-organic military and police weapons of the GAM runs smoothly. Then the GAM combatants reintegrate into society, this task successfully executed by AMM. Furthermore, the Government implements the sustainability of the peace process systematically. Implementation of this peace process is necessary because people of Aceh are already saturated with conflict that endured so long. The people hope this peace could maintain significant and permanent. Fortunately all parties are able to hold theirselves up to prevent new conflicts. Above all, Aceh peace is also a very elegant example as a process of consensus building and conflict resolution models. Aceh peace could become a reference for other regions and countries in the world which is also facing separatist conflict issue. Moreover, Aceh peace could also sinergically perform post-tsunami reconstruction of the area. The Government creates the Rehabilitation and Reconstruction Agency (BRR) to reconstruct the area after the tsunami disaster. This peace model could also reintegrate and reconcile thw ex-combatant to back mingling with the public. Democratic process in Aceh is also running well, starting with local elections on December 11, 2006. Currently Aceh is very pleasant city for living and we expect peace in Aceh could maintain eternally.

scholarly journals The Quality of Peace in Post-Conflict Situation: A Comparative Study Between Armed Conflicts in Aceh and Bangsamoro

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 221
Author(s):  
Ikhwan Rahmatika Latif ◽  
Dyah Mutiarin ◽  
Achmad Nurmandi
Keyword(s):  
Secondary Data ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The People ◽  
Lasting Peace ◽  
Free Aceh Movement ◽  
Peace Settlement ◽  
The Government

This article investigates the quality of peace in armed conflicts that occurred in the Southeast Asia region. The authors compared the cases of Aceh, where the armed conflict between the Free Aceh Movement or GAM and the government of Republic Indonesia ended peacefully with the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding, with the conflict in the southern Philippines, where a peace agreement, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro, was successfully achieved between the government of Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. This research employed document analysis to analyse the peace settlement documents of both parties and the derivative laws of the agreed settlements, as well as other relevant sources as the secondary data. All documents and sources were processed through the NVivo 12 application. The findings revealed that in both Aceh and Bangsamoro, the quality of peace is far from significant, for not all the terms of the agreements had been realised and there was still mutual suspicion prevailing between the two fighting parties. Therefore, what had been agreed upon in the Aceh and Bangsamoro post-conflict agreements must be accomplished as they should be in order to create a lasting peace, thereby allowing the people to experience a sufficient quality peace together.

Land Reform in Zimbabwe: a Balance of Political Expediency and Economic Inevitability?

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Region ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
National Union ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.

Negative Media Effects and Islamic Remedies (Penyelesaian Kepada Kesan Negatif Media Menurut Perspektif Islam)

2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Mohd. Shuhaimi Ishak
Keyword(s):  
Public Relations ◽  
Social Influences ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Essential Form ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Effects Of Media ◽  
Political Economic

 Abstract Generally speaking, media is extensively used as the means to disseminate news and information pertaining to business, social, political and religious concerns. A portion of the time and space of media has now become an important device to generate economic and social activities that include advertising, marketing, recreation and entertainment. The Government regards them as an essential form of relaying news and information to its citizens and at the same time utilizes them as a powerful public relations’ mechanism. The effects of media are many and diverse, which can either be short or long term depending on the news and information. The effects of media can be found on various fronts, ranging from the political, economic and social, to even religious spheres. Some of the negative effects arising from the media are cultural and social influences, crimes and violence, sexual obscenities and pornography as well as liberalistic and extreme ideologies. This paper sheds light on these issues and draws principles from Islam to overcome them. Islam as revealed to humanity contains the necessary guidelines to nurture and mould the personality of individuals and shape them into good servants. Key Words: Media, Negative Effects, Means, Islam and Principles. Abstrak Secara umum, media secara meluas digunakan sebagai sarana untuk menyebarkan berita dan maklumat yang berkaitan dengan perniagaan, kemasyarakatan, pertimbangan politik dan agama. Sebahagian dari ruang dan masa media kini telah menjadi peranti penting untuk menghasilkan kegiatan ekonomi dan sosial yang meliputi pengiklanan, pemasaran, rekreasi dan hiburan. Kerajaan menganggap sarana-sarana ini sebagai wadah penting untuk menyampaikan berita dan maklumat kepada warganya dan pada masa yang sama juga menggunakannya sebagai mekanisme perhubungan awam yang berpengaruh. Pengaruh media sangat banyak dan pelbagai, samada berbentuk jangka pendek atau panjang bergantung kepada berita dan maklumat yang brekenaan. Kesan dari media boleh didapati mempengaruhi pelbagai aspek, bermula dari bidang politik, ekonomi, sosial bahkan juga agama. Beberapa kesan negatif yang timbul dari media ialah pengaruhnya terhadap budaya dan sosial, jenayah dan keganasan, kelucahan seksual dan pornografi serta ideologi yang liberal dan ekstrim. Kertas ini menyoroti isu-isu ini dan cuba mengambil prinsip-prinsip dari ajaran Islam untuk mengatasinya. Tujuan Islam itu sendiri diturunkan kepada umat manusia ialah untuk menjadi pedoman yang diperlukan untuk membina dan membentuk keperibadian individu dan menjadikan manusia hamba yang taat kepada Tuhannya. Kata Kunci: Media, Kesan Negatif, Cara-cara, Islam dan Prinsip-prinsip.

Frozen Negotiations: The Peace Process in Chiapas

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl Beníítez Manaut ◽  
Andrew Selee ◽  
Cynthia J. Arnson
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Democratic Transition ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Democratic Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Government ◽  
Better Than

Mexico's democratic transition has helped reduce, if not eliminate, the threat of renewed armed conflict in Chiapas. However, absent more active measures from the government and the Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) to seek a permanent peace agreement and come to terms with the legacies of the past, the conflict will linger on in an unstable déétente, which we term ““armed peace.”” While this situation is far better than the open hostilities of the past, it also belies the promise of a fully democratic society in which all citizens are equally included in the political process. La transicióón democráática en Mééxico ha contribuido a reducir, si no eliminar, la posibilidad de que el conflicto armado en Chiapas se reanude. Sin embargo, sin esfuerzos mas activos por parte del gobierno y del Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) para buscar un acuerdo de paz permanente y saldar cuentas con el pasado, el conflicto permaneceráá en un estado inestable que llamamos ““paz armada””. Aunque esta situacióón es mucho mejor que las tensiones y agresiones del pasado, no cumple los requisitos de una sociedad plenamente democráática en que todos los ciudadanos participan en condiciones de igualdad en el proceso políítico.

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