scholarly journals On Turkey's Policy to Solidify Its Presence in the Northern Territories of Syria

Islamovedenie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 22-33
Author(s):  
Irina Sayyarovna Kasimova ◽  

Turkey is one of the most active participants of the Syrian conflict that broke out in 2011. Among the priorities proclaimed by Ankara is the preservation of security and stability on the long Turkish-Syrian frontier that are under a long-term threat posed by the Syrian offshoots of the Kurdi-stan Workers' Party (PKK) recognized by Ankara as a terrorist organization. The article attempts to review and analyze the steps taken by Ankara to socially and economically restore the territories where the Turkish army, together with the armed Syrian opposition, held operations Euphrates Shield, Olive Branch, and Source of Peace (2016–2019) and which, in actual fact, remain occupied. The author concludes that in the context of the ongoing Syrian conflict and uncertainty around the political process to resolve the situation in the country, Turkey is carrying out systematic, compre-hensive work to expand its influence in the Northern Syrian territories which is not always approved by the local population. Close historical and geographical ties between the peoples of the two states, a unifying factor of Islamic faith and Muslim values have become one of the prerequisite for Anka-ra's “successful” policy in the north of Syria.

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
O. V. Lagutin ◽  
E. O. Negrov

The article deals with the assessment of the prospects of the political future by representatives of Russian youth. The text of the article has been prepared within the framework of the project “Potential of Youth Political Leadership in The Course of Political Socialization and Circulation of Elites in the Russia Regions in the 2010s (using the example of South-Western Siberia and the North-West of the Russian Federation), RFBR grant No. 18-011-01184. The relevance of the research is in combining a fundamental review of the main directions of research of the role of youth participation in the social and political process and the involvement of a specific empirical study conducted in the spring of 2019, which allows highlighting various aspects of the situation. The empirical part of the study is based on the study “Ideas of Youth about Possibilities of Youth Leaders and Youth Organizations in Russia”, which was conducted in spring 2019 in four constituent entities of the Russian Federation — Altai Territory, Leningrad and Novosibirsk Regions and St. Petersburg. The method of research was a personal standardized interview, the sample size was 1000 respondents (250 in each of the regions), representatives of young people aged 14 to 30 permanently reside in the territory of the studied subjects of the federation. Based on factor and cluster analyzes, the main models of expectations of the political future are presented. The article should be of interest to researchers, both professionally involved, and simply interested in the topic of the influence of the real political process on such a significant group of the population as youth.


Author(s):  
Ahmed Abubakar Jajere ◽  
Adam Modu Abbas ◽  
Ali Abdu

This study used annual rainfall records from three stations within the North East Arid Zone of Nigeria for the period (1957-2017) to measure the extent of the rainfall recovery by comparing the drought decades and post drought decades rainfall patterns. Monthly rainfall records from Potiskum, Maiduguri and Nguru Stations were used. Descriptive and inferential statistical tools were employed in analysing the data. The findings of the study revealed a significant year-to-year variability in rainfall characteristics around 61 years (1957-2017) averages. The variability was large in 1970s up till 1990s, and lower in 1960s and from 2000 to 2018. Decreasing trend in annual rainfall amount was observed during the study period while a stability in onset and cessation dates were observed. The differences between 1957-1986 and 1987-2017 climatic season were found to be statistically insignificant. The study concluded that the reported rainfall recovery from drought is statistically insignificant and the observed long term mean trend revealed a decreasing trend. Therefore, the theory of Sahel rainfall recovery can be better termed as a ‘’break of the series of drought or decline in frequency and magnitude of occurrence of drought’’ The research recommended the continuations with the drought adaptation and mitigation strategies adopted by local population, decisions makers and organizations following the series Sahelian droughts of 1970s and 1980s.


2019 ◽  
pp. 23-28
Author(s):  
B.V. Grachev

The article is dedicated to the civilization basis of the political system of the Eurasian Economic Union founders, its genesis and realization on different historical stages. Special attention was paid to determining which cultural and civilizational characteristic influence on the political traditions’ similarity. The differences in political process of post-soviet countries are outlined with respect to the role of civilizational factors. In the last part one may find out about the influence of geopolitical and civilizational factors on integration process. Methodology is based on the historical and philosophical analysis via adaptation through the theory of local civilization. Generalization of local (national) civilization experience intrinsic to the founders of the Eurasian Economic Union and its impact assessment on the integration process is considered as a prime contribution. Furthermore, under the condition of strong demand for sovereignty the powerful national governance can be regarded as a formidable obstacle for deeper integration. In the long-term the formalization of ideological or civilizational basis is required and a variation of neoeurasianism is likely to play this role.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
'Seun Bamidele

This article considers the role of the Civilian Joint Task Force (popularly called CJTF), a group of armed local population participating in the joint battle against Boko Haram, has become a platform for recruitment into the Nigerian security institutions in north-eastern Nigeria. CJTF members have played many roles, from mostly discrete surveillance networks in the north-eastern region of Nigeria to military combat auxiliaries or semi-autonomous fighting forces in the country. For the region’s overstretched and under pressure militaries, they have somewhat filled the security gap and provided local knowledge. CJTF can be a powerful counter-insurgency tool, but there is a compelling need to confront the immediate concerns it raises, notably in terms of impunity, and to begin planning for its long-term post-conflict transformation. The article adopts Galula’s theory of counter-insurgency. It reveals several lessons in how a community-based security structure can be applied to a conventional security engagement.


2021 ◽  
pp. 209-240
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradbury

This chapter analyses politics in Northern Ireland in the context, first, of the failed attempts to implement devolution that led to its suspension, then the St Andrews Agreement in 2006, elections and the restoration of devolution in 2007. It reappraises the tortuous years in terms of the territorial strains that were still present in Northern Ireland, the resources available to the Republican/Nationalist and Unionist party leaderships in Northern Ireland as well as to the Blair government, and the political management approaches that they each pursued. It focuses on the political imperatives and constraints that determined the Northern Ireland Assembly's journey between intermittent existence and suspension, and eventually led to the unlikely agreement between the leaders of the extreme representatives of Republicanism and Unionism. The chapter is informed by the proposition that both sides in Northern Ireland still recognised their resource limitations in asserting their ideal outcomes in the short term. The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) and Sinn Fein still pursued power-sharing devolution in the short to medium term to realise their long-term objectives of Irish unity. This was principally to be achieved through electoral success and the cultivation of the North–South institutions under strand two of the Belfast Agreement to normalise Irish governance through instrumental arguments, shared policy development and functional spillovers. Meanwhile, the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), as the principal Unionist party, competitively sought to use devolution as a new framework in which to sustain an inter-governmentalist approach to governing within the UK, asserting the very different long-term aim of maintaining Northern Ireland within the Union.


2012 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-175
Author(s):  
Gesine Manuwald

This paper discusses the function of speeches given by Cicero to the popular assembly (contio) as reports about recent political events or decrees. Several of the few extant examples are part of oratorical corpora consisting of speeches from politically difficult periods, namely from Cicero's consular year (63 BCE; Catilinarians) and from his fight against Mark Antony (44–43 BCE; Philippics). Cicero is shown to have applied his oratorical abilities in all these cases to exploit the contio speeches so as to present narrative accounts of political developments in his interpretation and thus to influence public opinion in the short term during the political process and particularly, within an edited corpus, in the long term.


Author(s):  
Hajira QAZI ◽  
Sofia BOSCH GOMEZ

Long-term, sustainable transitions cannot occur without working at the political level to address the serious, global political challenges we are facing today. However, the capacity of design as a rigorous component and complement of the political world is yet to be seen. In this paper we discuss surveys we conducted, showing that there is a clear discrepancy between how designers engage in the political process as citizens and as professionals. We also discuss a subsequent workshop which allowed survey participants to explore these questions of roles and agency in greater depth and offered insights into barriers and opportunities. We found the workshop to be an effective method of helping designers identify leverage points and courses to intervene within both the designer’s sphere of influence and sphere of concern. In so doing, we might begin to draw more designers into the critical work of designing for a transition towards more inclusive and equitable socio-political futures.


Water ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (24) ◽  
pp. 3542
Author(s):  
Sascha M. Cornejo P. ◽  
Jörg Niewöhner

Chile’s neoliberal central water management gives shape to a series of conflicts arising from diverse understandings and ways of life linked to water. This article addresses the question of who is responsible for the ecological costs regarding water use of mining activity in the north of Chile. From the perspective of hydro-social territories, we analyze how the local population in Tarapacá is acting on unequal footing regarding environmental information and knowledge. Local and practical experiences are devalued against technical and scientific modeling, supported by legal and political definitions of “the environment” and “water”. Focusing on diverse local narratives, we show how the local population feels threatened by the environmental impacts of mining activity but struggles to find legitimate ways of articulating those anxieties to gain a sense of agency. We conclude that the local ecological consequences of extractivism in this region can only be understood in the context of the wider legal and economic framework regulating the appropriation of water as a resource and that long-term efforts in more participatory sociohydrological modeling might help to broaden the knowledge base for contested decision-making.


Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal

This article examines the West’s designation of Hamas as a terrorist or- ganization. Describing Hamas as such is unfounded. Western terror criterion and Hamas’s Charter is not clear evidence that the movement is not ready to engage in the political process. The article draws a comparison between the Hamas’s Charter and the Charter of the Israeli Likud Party. A number of argu- ments are presented in support of Hamas not being a terrorist organization. Among such evidences are Hamas’s electrical victory in 2006, and many state- ments made by the movement’s leaders. Moreover, Hamas has never threat- ened the West, thus there is no justification to designate it as a terrorist or- ganization. The liberation discourse of the movement and the ongoing Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories must also be considered. The author concludes that the West is urged to officially talk to Hamas for any lasting peaceful resolution to prevail in the Middle East.


Author(s):  
John Kenneth Galbraith ◽  
Jeff Madrick

The world has become increasingly separated into the haves and have nots. This book shows how a contented class—not the privileged few but the socially and economically advantaged majority—defend their comfortable status at a cost. Middle-class voting against regulation and increased taxation that would remedy pressing social ills has created a culture of immediate gratification, leading to complacency and hampering long-term progress. Only economic disaster, military action, or the eruption of an angry underclass seem capable of changing the status quo. A groundbreaking critique, the book shows how the complacent majority captures the political process and determines economic policy.


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