The Value of a "Coyne": The Diefenbaker Government and the 1961 Coyne Affair.

This study explores the political aspects of the 1961 Coyne Affair, which saw the Governor of the Bank of Canada, James Coyne, promote restrictionist economic policies that were at odds with the expansionist monetary approach of the Diefenbaker government. The situation was complicated by unclear governmental responsibilities regarding the Bank and a contentious pension issue, leading to the Progressive Conservative cabinet’s request for the governor’s resignation, a demand he refused. The Affair became a public controversy involving opposition parties and the Canadian media, and personal animosities clouded the judgment of both the Tory government, led by Prime Minister John Diefenbaker and Minister of Finance Donald Fleming, and Coyne. However, the Progressive Conservative’s attempt to force Coyne’s resignation was ultimately justified due to his contrary economic policies and the extent to which he overstepped his position as governor and engaged in political machinations. The Coyne Affair led to the restructuring of the relationship between the Bank and the federal government and contributed to the fall of the Diefenbaker government, Senate reform, and economic nationalism.

2. The Political Organization of Parliament

Exploring Parliament ◽

10.1093/hepl/9780198788430.003.0002 ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Philip Norton

Keyword(s):

Political Parties ◽

Political Organization ◽

The Political ◽

Internal Organization ◽

The Uk ◽

The Relationship ◽

Over Time ◽

This chapter discusses the political organization of the UK Parliament, at the heart of which are the political parties. It first considers the internal organization of Parliament, focusing on how political parties are structured. There are two principal parties facing one another in Parliament: the party in government and opposition parties. The opposition comprises frontbench Members (shadow ministers) and backbenchers. Smaller parties may also designate some Members as ‘frontbenchers’ (official spokespeople for the party). The frontbench of each party includes whips. The chapter provides an overview of these whips as well as parliamentary parties before considering legislative–executive relations. In particular, it examines how parties shape the relationship between Parliament and the executive, and how these have changed over time.

Political and Socio-Economic Elites: The Encounter of Provincials with Porteños in Fin-de-Siêcle Buenos Aires

The Americas A Quarterly Review of Latin American History ◽

10.1353/tam.2003.0003 ◽

2003 ◽

Vol 59 (3) ◽

pp. 379-403 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Stephanie Bower

Keyword(s):

Federal Government ◽

Buenos Aires ◽

Political Elite ◽

The Political ◽

Economic Elite ◽

Cultural Texts ◽

Economic Elites ◽

Argentine History ◽

Centennial Celebrations ◽

In 1880, following a two-generation-long civil war, Argentina embarked upon a critical period of nation-building, which culminated in the centennial celebrations of 1910. In The Argentine Generation of 1880: Ideology and Cultural Texts, David Foster has commented upon the inconclusiveness of national cultural formation as Argentina turned from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, the uncertainty of how much from the provinces would be incorporated into the elite-constructed culture emanating from the port city of Buenos Aires. The recently published work of Roy Hora, The Landowners of the Argentine Pampas: A Social and Political History 1860-1945, and the work of Tulio Halperin, “The Buenos Aires Landed Class and the Shape of Argentine Politics (1820-1930),” which preceded it, further heighten the significance of provincial-porteño interaction at this point in Argentine history. Halperin and Hora find that during these years, and beyond, the socio-economic and the political elite of Argentina was not a unified whole, but rather two distinctive groups. In the leadership of the socio-economic elite was a landed class based on the estancias of the Argentine pampa and overwhelmingly porteño in character. Provincials dominated the political elite, as the provinces ‘captured’ the federal government in the years following their reunification with the province of Buenos Aires in 1861. Participation in the federal government brought the provincial political elite into contact with the porteño estancieros who dominated the socio-economic elite, as these were almost universally resident in the federal capital. But Roy Hora has described the relationship between the two groups as “problematic.”

Canada faces federal-provincial gridlock on policy

Emerald Expert Briefings ◽

10.1108/oxan-db237988 ◽

2018 ◽

Keyword(s):

Federal Government ◽

Prime Minister ◽

New Right ◽

Election Campaign ◽

Right Wing ◽

Carbon Taxes ◽

Content Type ◽

Cross Border ◽

Border Trade ◽

Subject Canadian provincial and federal politicial dynamics. Significance As Ontario Premier Doug Ford’s term gets underway, Quebec is beginning its election campaign, running to October 1; the centre-right Coalition Avenir Quebec (CAQ) will likely perform well. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau faces a fractious final year, as relations worsen between the Liberal federal government and various new right-wing provincial governments. Leading issues are migration, carbon taxes, cross-border trade and right-wing provincial governments’ socially conservative and fiscally austere agendas. Impacts Failed NAFTA renegotiations would hurt Trudeau’s administration before 2019 and necessitate further post-2019 negotiations. Right-wing provincial premiers will still cooperate with Trudeau to mitigate the effect of US trade tariffs on Canada. Currently, Trudeau and the Liberals are likely to win in 2019, but opposition parties will gain votes.

The Indian Version of First among Equals – Executive Power during the First Decade of Independence

Modern Asian Studies ◽

10.1017/s0026749x09990321 ◽

2009 ◽

Vol 44 (4) ◽

pp. 709-751 ◽

Cited By ~ 2

Author(s):

H. KUMARASINGHAM

Keyword(s):

Prime Minister ◽

Executive Power ◽

The Political ◽

Major Event ◽

Deputy Prime Minister ◽

The World ◽

New Institutions ◽

AbstractWhen India gained independence in August 1947 the world watched with excitement as well as trepidation as to what would happen following this unique and major event. The political destiny of the world's largest democracy would lie in the hands of an infinitesimal portion of the population – the political executive. India's new institutions had new operators to act in new conditions. There were few precedents. Within this Westminster system, refounded in India with its emphasis on executive flexibility and ambiguity, the leading political figures often had conflicting opinions and interpretations as to their powers. The relationship between Nehru as Prime Minister and other leading political figures, such as Patel as deputy Prime Minister, Prasad as President, and their definitions of their roles, would forge a new India. This paper revisits those debates and ideas in the first decade following independence, which allow greater understanding of the workings and conventions of today's Indian executive.

The Malaysian General Elections of 2013: The Last Attempt at Secular-inclusive Nation-building?

Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs ◽

10.1177/186810341303200205 ◽

2013 ◽

Vol 32 (2) ◽

pp. 89-104 ◽

Cited By ~ 7

Author(s):

Farish A. Noor

Keyword(s):

Prime Minister ◽

Nation Building ◽

General Election ◽

The Political ◽

Election Campaign ◽

General Elections ◽

This paper looks at the Malaysian General Election campaign of 2013, and focuses primarily on the 1Malaysia project that was foregrounded by the administration of Prime Minister Najib Razak. It compares the 1Malaysia project with other projects aimed at nation-building, such as the Wawasan 2020 project of former Prime Minister Mahathir and the Islam Hadari project of former Prime Minister Badawi; and asks if 1Malaysia was truly an attempt at building a sense of Malaysian nationhood based on universal citizenship regardless of race or religion; and it also considers the response to the 1Malaysia project that came from the opposition parties of the country. Malaysia has experienced a steady process of islamisation that dates back to the Mahathir era, and the question of whether the political domain of Malaysia has been overcome by religious-communitarian markers and values will be raised in the paper as well.

Part I The Conceptual Framework, 3 Regulating Multinationals

Multinational Enterprises and the Law ◽

10.1093/law/9780198824138.003.0003 ◽

2021 ◽

Author(s):

Muchlinski Peter T

Keyword(s):

Corporate Social Responsibility ◽

Conceptual Framework ◽

Multinational Enterprises ◽

The Political ◽

Economic Nationalism ◽

Political Communities ◽

The Cold War ◽

Corporate Social ◽

Informal Regulation ◽

This chapter examines the interaction of multinational enterprises (MNEs) with the political communities in which they operate. It first maps the actors involved and identifies their respective roles and interests. The chapter then considers the effects of MNEs on home and host communities and economies. This involves ideological themes that have influenced the regulatory debate not only historically, but also for the present and future. The chapter also explores the principal levels and methods of regulation, discussing the relationship between formal regulation by state bodies and informal regulation by non-state actors; outlining the available sources of regulatory rules and practices; and assessing the choices of legal jurisdiction between the national, bilateral, regional and multilateral levels. Integrated global production, dominated by MNEs, has led to changes in international and national regulatory environments away from ‘investor control’ towards ‘investor promotion and protection’. At the same time, with the end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the socialist system, there appears to be no serious alternative to the corporate capitalism espoused by MNEs, backed up by the ‘neoliberal’ system of market-led globalization. However, recent challenges to the ‘neoliberal’ ascendancy come from economic nationalism and protectionism as well as greater concern for corporate social responsibility and accountability.

Making miners militant?

Waiting for the Revolution ◽

10.7228/manchester/9781526113658.003.0007 ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Sheryl Bernadette Buckley

Keyword(s):

Great Britain ◽

Trade Unions ◽

The Political ◽

Annual Conference ◽

Economic Policies ◽

National Union ◽

Late Twentieth ◽

Post War ◽

The Relationship ◽

Late Twentieth Century

The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) was a visible presence across many significant trade unions in the post-war period, largely due to its industrial strategy. The party envisaged that politicising the rank and file of important trade unions and also capturing the leadership of these unions would allow it to influence the Labour Party, as these unions held a significant number of votes at Labour's annual conference. This chapter analyses the success of this strategy in the National Union of Mineworkers, a union that became increasingly emblematic of the difficulties trade unions faced in the late twentieth century, particularly obvious through its 1984 strike. This chapter considers the relationship between Communists in the party and those in the union, exploring the extent to which the party's strategy translated into the union in practice, and understanding if there was any conflict between these two groups who occupied distinctly different roles. Unpicking the concept of 'wage militancy', the way through which the party felt politicisation of the union rank and file would best be achieved, the chapter frames this discussion within the broader context of the increasingly divided CPGB, the political and economic policies of Labour and Conservative governments, and the union's national strikes.

Land sale scandal in Japan will have broader impact

Emerald Expert Briefings ◽

10.1108/oxan-db230721 ◽

2018 ◽

Keyword(s):

Private School ◽

Civil Service ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Public Trust ◽

The Political ◽

Content Type ◽

The Government ◽

Land Sale ◽

Political Scandal ◽

Subject The 'Moritomo Gakuen' scandal. Significance A political scandal has re-emerged concerning the sale of government land at a heavy discount to a nationalist private school operator reportedly linked to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his wife, Akie. The latest revelation is that the finance ministry falsified documents to conceal Akie's involvement. The opposition parties are divided and weak in terms of their numbers in parliament, but they have managed to use the events of recent days to destabilise Abe. Impacts This and other cases of misrepresentation will further shake public trust in the government. Trust in the political impartiality of the civil service will also be damaged. Even if Abe survives and is re-elected, damage to his ‘brand’ could undermine his campaign to revise Japan's constitution.

‘Enemy Agents at Work’: A microhistory of the 1954 Adamjee and Karnaphuli riots in East Pakistan

Modern Asian Studies ◽

10.1017/s0026749x19000416 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 1-36

Author(s):

LAYLI UDDIN

Keyword(s):

Prime Minister ◽

Central Government ◽

Paper Mill ◽

The State ◽

The Political ◽

The Real ◽

Complex Picture ◽

History Of ◽

First Time ◽

Abstract Between March and May 1954, an election and two riots took place in East Pakistan, with far-reaching implications. On 30 May, the prime minister of Pakistan, in a bellicose tone, declared that ‘enemy agents’ and ‘disruptive forces’ were at work and imposed governor's rule for the first time in East Pakistan. The autocratic and high-handed attitude of the Central government in Karachi over the seemingly wayward East Wing was to become a portent of future conflicts between the province and the state, eventually leading to the unmaking of Pakistan in 1971. What precipitated the 1954 crisis? Who were the enemy agents and disruptive forces that the prime minister had alluded to? The reference was to the Bengali labourers in East Pakistan—the main protagonists of the 1954 Karnaphuli Paper Mill and Adamjee Jute Mill riots. These were the most violent industrial riots in the history of United Pakistan, if not the subcontinent. Using sensitive materials obtained from multiple archives, this article dismantles the conventional thesis that these riots were ‘Bengali–Bihari riots’, fanned by the flames of Bengali provincialism at the political level, or events instigated by the Centre to derail the democratic hopes of the Bengali population of Pakistan. A microhistory of the events demonstrates a more complex picture of postcolonial labour formations and solidarities; the relationship between state-led industrialization and refugee rehabilitation, and conflicting visions of sovereignty. This is a story of estrangement between employers and workers over the question of who were the real sovereigns of labour, capital, and Pakistan itself.

Gatekeeping, ideological affinity and journalistic translation

Journalism ◽

10.1177/1464884920917296 ◽

2020 ◽

pp. 146488492091729

Author(s):

Roberto A Valdeón

Keyword(s):

News Media ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Research Question ◽

The Political ◽

Political Leader ◽

News Production ◽

Translational Activity ◽

The Relationship ◽

The Way

This article studies the role of translation as a first-level gatekeeping mechanism in news production. Contrary to previous views that translation was secondary for the selection and dissemination of news events, it is posited that the translational activity reflects the decisions made by news media, particularly, in the case of services in languages aimed at non-native audiences. The article is structured as follows. First, it surveys the concepts of gatekeeping and ideological affinity with regard to news translation. Then a research question concerning the reporting of the Catalan secessionist crisis in Spain is presented. This will serve to examine how translation functions as a gatekeeping mechanism. The corpus selected for the analysis comprises the Spanish articles and English versions posted by El País in the 3 months prior and the 3 months posterior to the simultaneous appointments of Spain’s new Prime Minister and of the new editor of El País. This coincidence constitutes a unique opportunity to delve into the relationship between translation and gatekeeping. The findings show that the ideological affinity between the political leader and the editor may have prompted a significant change in the way the Catalan crisis was reported, particularly in the translated versions.