Political and Socio-Economic Elites: The Encounter of Provincials with Porteños in Fin-de-Siêcle Buenos Aires

2003 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Bower

In 1880, following a two-generation-long civil war, Argentina embarked upon a critical period of nation-building, which culminated in the centennial celebrations of 1910. In The Argentine Generation of 1880: Ideology and Cultural Texts, David Foster has commented upon the inconclusiveness of national cultural formation as Argentina turned from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, the uncertainty of how much from the provinces would be incorporated into the elite-constructed culture emanating from the port city of Buenos Aires. The recently published work of Roy Hora, The Landowners of the Argentine Pampas: A Social and Political History 1860-1945, and the work of Tulio Halperin, “The Buenos Aires Landed Class and the Shape of Argentine Politics (1820-1930),” which preceded it, further heighten the significance of provincial-porteño interaction at this point in Argentine history. Halperin and Hora find that during these years, and beyond, the socio-economic and the political elite of Argentina was not a unified whole, but rather two distinctive groups. In the leadership of the socio-economic elite was a landed class based on the estancias of the Argentine pampa and overwhelmingly porteño in character. Provincials dominated the political elite, as the provinces ‘captured’ the federal government in the years following their reunification with the province of Buenos Aires in 1861. Participation in the federal government brought the provincial political elite into contact with the porteño estancieros who dominated the socio-economic elite, as these were almost universally resident in the federal capital. But Roy Hora has described the relationship between the two groups as “problematic.”

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 131-146
Author(s):  
A.N. VAVILOV ◽  

The purpose of the article is to study the role and features of the influence of the political elite of Ukraine on the formation of the country's foreign policy. The research methodology is based on axiological and structural-functional approaches to the study of political elites, as well as the methods of sociological science. As a result of the study, it was found that the most important feature that predetermined the character and composition of the Ukrainian political elite is the merging of the power and economic elites. The internal political development of Ukraine is an example of the increased importance of elites in determining the ways of the country's development. The interests and views of the Ukrainian political elite are a determining factor in the formation of Ukraine's foreign policy, which is based on the development of relations with the West and distance from Russia. At the same time, there is a significant divergence of views of the Ukrainian political elite and society on the vision of the foundations of the country's foreign policy. It is due to the different perceptions of the political elite and broad masses of the population of the value of the country's sovereignty, as well as the interests of the most influential representatives of the Ukrainian economic elite who are actively involved in the internal political process.


Author(s):  
John Harriss ◽  
Andrew Wyatt

The political economy of Tamil Nadu presents a puzzle: in spite of politics that are generally considered to be unhelpful to development, the state does relatively well in terms both of economic growth and of human development. The chapter argues that Tamil Nadu is neither a developmental nor a social democratic state, while having some of the features of both. It is, rather, characterized by Bonapartism. While the state has generally been supportive of big business, the relationship between the corporate sector and the political elite is distinctly “arm’s-length.” The power and influence of business groups has not “grown enormously,” as has been claimed elsewhere. Tamil politicians do not rely for financial resources on big business but have their own sources of finance, some of them in semilegal or illegal activities such as sand mining and granite quarrying.


Author(s):  
S. N. Abrashkin

The review analyzes the memoirs of the first governor of the Samara region in the modern history of Russia Konstantin Alekseevich Titov. The ex-governor recorded the most important events of his political career, presented the personal characteristics of statesmen of the period of the 1990-s and early 2000-s. As a result of the study, it was found that in the memoirs of K.A.Titov, the relationship of the Samara governor with statesmen and representatives of the political elite of the Russian Federation is presented and fragmented his activities as a regional head of one of the largest regions of the Russian Federation.


Author(s):  
Musayyarah Fatmayani ◽  
Drs Pawito ◽  
Widodo Muktiyo

This study aims to express an understanding of how information-seeking patterns among the political elite of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle in Surakarta relate to the issue of the possible nomination of Gibran Rakabuming Raka - son of Indonesian President Joko Widodo as a candidate for Mayor of Surakarta. This research analyzes through social media, especially Facebook, about the relationship between information seeking behavior of the political elite of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) with certainty about the issues circulating in the community. This research paradigm uses phenomenology with a qualitative approach. The source / participant of this research is the political elite PDI Perjuangan this is because according to the news circulating Gibran will run for office using PDI Perjuangan party vehicles. This study concludes that the pattern of information seeking among the political elite of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) in Surakarta with information certainty needs. The need for information seeking is growing, making the PDI Perjuangan elite in Surakarta a source of information which then forms information search behavior patterns based on the use of social media, especially Facebook. 


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Macfarlane

This study explores the political aspects of the 1961 Coyne Affair, which saw the Governor of the Bank of Canada, James Coyne, promote restrictionist economic policies that were at odds with the expansionist monetary approach of the Diefenbaker government. The situation was complicated by unclear governmental responsibilities regarding the Bank and a contentious pension issue, leading to the Progressive Conservative cabinet’s request for the governor’s resignation, a demand he refused. The Affair became a public controversy involving opposition parties and the Canadian media, and personal animosities clouded the judgment of both the Tory government, led by Prime Minister John Diefenbaker and Minister of Finance Donald Fleming, and Coyne. However, the Progressive Conservative’s attempt to force Coyne’s resignation was ultimately justified due to his contrary economic policies and the extent to which he overstepped his position as governor and engaged in political machinations. The Coyne Affair led to the restructuring of the relationship between the Bank and the federal government and contributed to the fall of the Diefenbaker government, Senate reform, and economic nationalism.


1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-485 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric H. Helt

Existing economic models of the medical care sector are characterized by unrealistic assumptions concerning (a) the relationship between medical care and health, (b) the economic behavior of both consumers and providers of health care, and (c) the nature of politics in the American culture. The model of the economy of medical care proposed here attempts to correct for these logical and empirical inconsistencies. The central argument is that the medical care system promotes not the health of the people, but instead, economic, political, and cultural inequality for a health profession's and economic elite. When stresses within the medical system threaten the institutional conditions that sustain this inequality, they are reestablished through state-sanctioned collective action.


Author(s):  
Dushka Matevska

In contrast to the political parties which are a relatively new social phenomenon, the religiosity is a universal social one which has been incorporated in almost every significant civilization and was established on the grounds of a certain religious component. Regarding the Christianity, this act has been directly bounded to the recognition of the Christianity as an official religion of the Roman Empire which led to an impermissible relationship between the church and the state. The Church began to neglect its holy duties more frequently by turning to secular ones. It was no longer a Church that served the people but, rather, it became a Church aspiring towards power and dominion. The focus of this paper will be the influence of the political elite on the religious situation in the Macedonian post-communist society. We will do our best to determine both the genesis and the reasons that led to such a firm link between the political parties of the Macedonian provenience and the Macedonian Orthodox Church, as well as the possible negative impact of this “matrimony” between the holy and the secular over the Macedonian multi-cultural, multi-ethnical and multi-confessional society especially in the post-conflict period.


Sociologija ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mladen Lazic ◽  
Slobodan Cvejic

In this paper the changing patterns of economic and political elite recruitment in Serbia are studied on the basis of three sets of data, collected in our surveys done in 1989, 1993 and 2004. Our hypothesis was that elite recruitment patterns changed after the political regime change in 2000, but in a different direction compared to the period of the 1990s. From a long-term perspective, we expect continuing increases in the relevance of higher education for elite recruitment, and equalization of the relevance of higher education for both the political and economic elites. On the other hand, we expect decreasing relevance for political affiliation among the economic elite, accompanied by an increasing importance of social networking during the period of a prolonged weak institutional environment. In order to test our general hypothesis we describe inter- and intra-generational patterns of recruitment. The relevance of education, party membership and networking as mobility channels is analyzed by model of logistic regression. We also compare changes in patterns of elites? recruitment with changing mobility patterns of social classes in Serbia, 1989-2004.


2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jolanta Aidukaite

This paper is designed to shed some light on possible impacts of globalization and Europeanization on social security reforms in one of the new EU member state - Lithuania. The paper is based on 67 expert interviews conducted with the political elite, academics, journalists, senior civil servants, interest group representatives and the economic elite. The paper highlights the higher influence of globalization through the activities of such supranational agencies as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund compared to the impact of cognitive Europeanization on social security reforms.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Indriyana Dwi Mustikarini

Abstract— This paper aims to describe the Building of Legal Political Science between Social Sciences and Legal Studies in Indonesia. This research focuses on the study of the legal, political science of other social sciences. The method used in this research is normative juridical. This method examines the applicable laws and regulations as well as theoretical from a variety of literature, relating to the politics of law in the formation of legislation. The results of this study indicate the relationship between law and political science that law is determined by politics, so the law is formed based on expectations or what should be (das sollen). Instead of politics determined by law, the law was formed by agreement of the political elite / actual reality (das sein). While law and politics are interdependent, the law is developed based on what should be and actual reality (das Sollen-Sein). Keywords—: legal politics; legal science; political science.


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