scholarly journals PERIKANAN PELAGIS KECIL DI DAERAH TELUK: STUDI KASUS DI TELUK SAPE NUSA TENGGARA BARAT

2002 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Suadi Suadi

The aims of this research were to know the state of small pelagic fishery and social economic aspect of resources exploitation. To examine these issues, the research combined survey and descriptive analytic methods. Gordon-Schaefer model was applied to analyze the state of fishery and analytical descriptive to explained the relationship of the phenomena's. Data collection was based on indepth interview and recording of District Fishery Service's. Samll pelagic fisheries that been analyzed were anchovies (Stolephorus sp.), squids (Loligo sp.), and mackerels (Rastrelliger sp.).There are two main problems of fisheries in the area, firstly, the conflict on coastal zone between marine capture fisheries and mariculture. The second one is the intensive exploitation of fisheries resources. Pelagic fisheries at Sape Bay have been exploited above maximum TAC mainly 80% of MSY. MSY of anchovies (Stolephorus sp.) reached 2324,9 ton at number of effort 56534 trip and MEY 2172,3 ton at number of effort 42144 trips. MSY of squids (Loligo sp.) is 455,0 ton at number of effort 12183 trip and MEY 449,0 ton at number of effort 10780 trips equal to Bagan Perahu  trips. The model was not applicable to predict the MSY and MEY of mackerels (Rastrelliger sp.). The continuing increase of effort will depleted the stock and decreased economic rent. In addition, the increasing of competition on fishing ground with pearl culture, have resulted fishermen stress. The integrated policy and management are needed to solve these problems and to avoid social riots. 

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-150
Author(s):  
E.S. Dmitrieva ◽  
V.Ya. Gelman

Research is devoted to the study of the relationship of emotional intelligence of students with the results of the state exam in the adaptation of the school system for 5 years from the date of introduction. The sample consisted of 156 first-year students. Evaluation of the components of emotional intelligence was measured by self-report (EmIn questionnaire). There was a statistically significant correlation between the severity of different indicators of emotional intelligence of students passing the exam and the results of the three school subjects: Russian language, Mathematics, Social studies. It is shown that since the introduction in 2009 of compulsory exam the level of communication between the indicators of emotional intelligence and the results of the examination has changed. Adaptation processes to the introduction of the state exam lead to changes contingent of successful students: If at the time of the introduction of the exam more successful were students with higher EI, in the process of adaptation more successful became those with lower EI. It was shown that the components of EI, having the most important relationships with the results of the exam, are different for the considered subjects; the dynamics of these relationships has been revealed.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Teresa Sierra

La policía comunitaria es una institución de los pueblos indígenas de Guerrero conocida por su capacidad para enfrentar a la delincuencia y generar alternativas de paz social., através de un sistema de justicia y seguridad autónomo. En los últimos años, sin embargo, el sistema comunitario enfrenta el acoso de actores diversos vinculados al incremento de la violencia y la inseguridad que se vive en el país y especialmente en el estado de Guerrero; dicha situación está impactando a la institucionalidad comunitaria, obligando a su redefinición. En este trabajo destaco aspectos centrales de dicha conflictividad así como las respuestas que han dado los comunitarios para hacer frente a las tareas de justicia y seguridad en el marco de nuevos contextos marcados por el despojo neoliberal y la impunidad de actores estatales y no estatales. En este proceso se actualiza la relación de la policía comunitaria con el Estado revelando el peso de la ambigüedad legal y los juegos del poder así como los usos contra-hegemónicos del derecho para disputar la justicia. ---SEGURANÇA E JUSTIÇA SOB ACOSSO EM TEMPOS DE VIOLÊNCIA NEOLIBERAL: respostas do policiamento comunitário de GuerreroO policiamento comunitário é uma instituição dos Povos Indígenas do Guerrero conhecidos por sua capacidade de lidar com o crime e gerar paz social de forma alternativa, usando um sistema próprio de justiça e segurança. Nos últimos anos, no entanto, o sistema da UE enfrenta assédio de várias autoridades envolvidas no aumento da violência e da insegurança que reina no país e, especialmente, no estado de Guerrero; essa situação está afetando as instituições comunitárias, forçando a sua redefinição. Neste artigo, destaco os principais aspectos do conflito e as respostas que têm a comunidade para lidar com as tarefas da justiça e da segurança no contexto dos novos contextos marcados por pilhagem neoliberal e a impunidade de atores estatais e não estatais. Neste processo, a relação de policiamento comunitário com o estado é atualizada, revelando o peso da ambiguidade e dos jogos de poder legais, além de usos contra-hegemônicos do direito de disputar a justiça.Palavras-chave: violência neoliberal; Guerrero; comunidades indígenas---SECURITY AND JUSTICE UNDER HARASSMENT IN TIMES OF NEOLIBERAL VIOLENCE: responses of the Community Police of GuerreroThe community police is an institution of the Indigenous Peoples of Guerrero known for its ability to deal with crime and generate alternatives for social peace, using a system of justice and self security. In recent years, however, the EU system faces harassment from various people responsible for the increase of violence and insecurity within the country and especially in the state in Guerrero; this situation is impacting instituitions in the community, forcing their redefinition. In this paper I highlight key aspects of the conflict and the community's responses to deal with the tasks of justice and security in new contexts marked by neoliberal plunder and impunity of the state (as well as non state figures). In this process, the relationship of the community police with the state is updated revealing the weight of legal ambiguity and power plays, as well as counter-hegemonic use of the right to dispute justice.key words: neoliberal vilence; Guerrero; indigenous people.


2006 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 349-368 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Marie Baylouny

In the decade and a half since economic liberalization began in Jordan, a little noticed but large-scale organizing trend has taken over the formal provision of social welfare, redefining the institutional conception of familial identity in the process. For over one third of the population, kin solidarities have been reorganized, formalized, and registered as nongovernmental organizations in an attempt to cope with the removal of basic social provisioning by the state. Although kinship clearly has been a major element in Jordan's history, the present phenomena alter traditional familial institutions, change kin lineages, and institutionalize the economic salience of family relations. In turn, the relationship of the populace to the state has changed, marginalizing previously regime-supporting groups and facilitating the implementation of economic neoliberalism without significant protest. Repackaged as charitable elements of civil society, these family associations are sanctioned and encouraged by the state and international community. Although they are not regime creations, family associations reinforce the Jordanian regime's efforts at political deliberalization. The new elites who head the organizations have been placated through indirect incorporation into the regime; they now wield significant economic power over fellow kin and have enhanced social status backed by the new group. Furthermore, the trend mainly consists of families without immediate ambitions of entering national politics. These are not the traditional elite families.


Author(s):  
Michael A. Gomez

This prologue provides an overview of the history of early and medieval West Africa. During this period, the rise of Islam, the relationship of women to political power, the growth and influence of the domestically enslaved, and the invention and evolution of empire were all unfolding. In contrast to notions of an early Africa timeless and unchanging in its social and cultural categories and conventions, here was a western Savannah and Sahel that from the third/ninth through the tenth/sixteenth centuries witnessed political innovation as well as the evolution of such mutually constitutive categories as race, slavery, ethnicity, caste, and gendered notions of power. By the period's end, these categories assume significations not unlike their more contemporary connotations. All of these transformations were engaged with the apparatus of the state and its progression from the city-state to the empire. The transition consistently featured minimalist notions of governance replicated by successive dynasties, providing a continuity of structure as a mechanism of legitimization. Replication had its limits, however, and would ultimately prove inadequate in addressing unforeseen challenges.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Preminger

Chapter 15 summarizes the chapters which addressed the third sphere, the relationship of labor to the political community. It reiterates that since Israel was established, the labor market’s borders have become ever more porous, while the borders of the national (Jewish) political community have remained firm: the Jewish nationalism which guides government policy is as strong as ever. NGOs, drawing on a discourse of human rights, are able to assist some non-citizens but this discourse also resonates with the idea of individual responsibility: the State is no longer willing to support “non-productive” populations, who are now being shoehorned into a labor market which offers few opportunities for meaningful employment, and is saturated by cheaper labor intentionally imported by the State in response to powerful employer lobbies. These trends suggest a partial reorientation of organized labor’s “battlefront”, from a face-off with capital to an appeal to the public and state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 205-234
Author(s):  
A. Sunarwoto

Abstract The focus of this article is on the Salafiyya-Madkhaliyya in Indonesia, which takes its name from Saudi scholar Rabīʿ al-Madkhalī. After an account of how they emerged and developed in Indonesia, the relationship of the Madkhalīs with the state, which is based on a “fiqh of obedience”, is analyzed. It is argued that, while this legal underpinning necessitates that they give total loyalty to the ruler (walī l-amr, or ūlū l-amr), the Indonesian Madkhalīs are unable to entirely follow this principle. The Madkhalīs have had to come to terms with the fact that Indonesia follows a democratic system, which, in fact, prevents the comprehensive accommodation of their Salafī principles. The resulting ambiguities prove difficult to solve. It is argued here that the negotiation between Madkhalī Salafīs and the Indonesian state is characterized by the constant efforts of the former to tackle those ambiguities.


2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 436-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna A. Knopp

Abstract This study investigates the relationship between EI and the state of mental health of unemployed persons. Gender differences were also identified in terms of mental health and its correlation with EI. A sample of 160 Polish unemployed persons aged 35 to 45 years filled in self-descriptive measures of EI and mental health. Significant gender differences were found - unemployed women were characterised by a greater intensity of mental health disorders than unemployed men. EI was negatively correlated with mental health disorders, but the correlations were few and weaker than expected. However, when unemployed persons with a low, average and high EI were compared, it turned out that participants with a low EI were characterised by a significantly worse condition of mental health than participants with a average or high EI.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-211
Author(s):  
Nick Cheesman

Throughout February 2012, a court sitting at Myanmar’s central prison recorded a defendant’s narrative of torture by policemen to have him confess to a bombing two years prior. How was this record made possible? What does the narrative reveal about the relationship of police torturers to the political community giving them authority to act? Working from Agamben’s intuition that in the moment of violence the policeman occupies an area symmetrical to the sovereign, inasmuch as his use of violence is justified in the name of public order, I suggest the account of police torture in this case can be explained in terms of Hobbes’s theory of attributed action. Like Hobbes’s sovereign, the Burmese policemen had the prerogative to decide when and how to use violence against the detained subject on behalf of the state. That the defendant could later recount to a judge the torture done to him was only because he lacked standing to lay claims against sovereign police, who he himself, as a member of the political community, had authorised. Ironically, the record of his narrative was possible precisely because his claims were without efficacy.


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