scholarly journals Theoretical Understanding of the Specifics and Relevance of the RCEP Trade Agreement and Forging a New Path Based on the Digitalization of Trade and Investment in This Era. Will RCEP be the Road Map for the Future of World Trade?

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. p21
Author(s):  
Dahlia Patricia Sterling ◽  
Ma Yingxin

The recently signed Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), considered of great significance, is not the first trade agreement signed by ASEAN member countries, or either any of their five (5) Free Trade Agreement (FTA) partners, China, Japan, New Zealand, Australia, and South Korea. But what makes this newly signed trade agreement between its participating countries unique and different from all other trade agreements signed in the past? Of interest, RCEP is currently the second major trade agreement with pronounced emphasis on Asia. Respectively, RCEP is now perceived as the world’s largest trade alliance, and is envisioned to facilitate economic trade integration in the Asian region. Correspondingly, the participating member countries have all agreed to reduce or completely eliminate tariff and non-tariff barriers on imports and exports within the free trade zone. Deciphered to be a milestone, RCEP is intended to link about thirty (30%) percent of the world’s population and output, which is expected will generate meaningful benefits. Given the continued rapid development of digital technologies in this era, it is certainly unavoidable if companies want to move forward in the future. This, most likely is one reason, why RCEP members included a chapter in the trade agreement relating to e-commerce and trade. Without a doubt, the tremendous impact of technology on the way economic activities are conducted worldwide has been a catalyst, forcing companies to redirect their businesses, to lean more towards the inclusion of technology in every aspects of their daily operation.Thus, as part of the continued development of digital technologies, it means the fifteen (15) Asia-Pacific members of RCEP has the added responsibility to play a vital role in facilitating the smooth integration of digital technology in this trade agreement, which clearly will be beneficial for all. Therefore, on what basis can this be made possible? On a whole, it is anticipated that the prospect of trade digitalization will reduce the cost of engaging in international trade and create opportunities for businesses and consumers regionally and globally. Today, many activities are increasingly conducted by way of digital technology. For example: Nowadays, people rely greatly on computers and mobile phones with internet to conduct research and purchase goods and services, in effect transforming the way we acquire and spread information, communicate, and conduct business in this twenty first (21st) century. Nonetheless, in what way and how can RCEP facilitate the digitalization of trade and investment in goods and services to make it advantageous to the region? Accordingly, within this context, this paper intends to explore the specifics and relevance of RCEP, and whether it is destined to be the roadmap for the future of reshaping world trade. Equally, how can trade digitalization facilitate the expansion of trade and investment in the Asia-Pacific region in this digital era?

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 20180025 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony J Makin ◽  
Andreas Chai

Expanded international trade in goods and services has driven economic development in the Asia-Pacific since the 1994 APEC Bogor declaration that called for free trade and investment in the region. Despite this goal, APEC has predominantly focussed on international trade rather than investment. To redress this bias, the paper first highlights the benefits from increased international investment before examining APEC foreign investment flows relative to trade flows in APEC economies. It then examines key trends before concluding that APEC should prioritize foreign investment to accelerate economic development and living standards in the region.


Author(s):  
P. Kadochnikov ◽  
M. Ptashkina

The US and the EU are negotiating a comprehensive Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The main purposes of the agreement are to stimulate economic growth and employment, to facilitate trade and investment and raise competitiveness on both sides of the Atlantic. The US and EU are the biggest trade and investment partners for each other, as well as most important partners for a number of other countries. The Trans-Atlantic free trade agreement would not only facilitate bilateral cooperation, but has a potential to set up new, more advanced international trade and investment rules and practices. The agreement is aimed, among other point, at resolving some of the existing problems in bilateral relations, such as differences in regulatory practices, market access conditions, government procurement, intellectual property rights (IPR) and investor protection. However, some of these differences are deeply inherent in the regulatory systems and have become the reasons for numerous disputes. Despite the fact that the negotiations on TTIP are still in progress, it is already possible to identify and assess the underlying differences that would potentially hamper the creation of deep provisions in the future agreement. The paper aims at analyzing the most difficult areas of negotiations and giving predictions for the future provisions. Firstly, the paper gives an overview of the scope and structure of bilateral relations between the US and EU. Secondly, the authors give detailed analysis of the most important points of the negotiation’s agenda, making stress on the underlying differences in domestic regulation and assessing the depth of those differences. The conclusions are as follows. While some of the areas, such as tariffs, labor and environment, SMEs, state enterprises and others, are relatively easy to agree upon, as both economies are striving to achieve high standards, negotiations on other issues, such as government procurement, NTM regulation and IPR are less likely to achieve high standards.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (5) ◽  
pp. 127-144
Author(s):  
Paul A. Chambers

The Colombian government’s noncompliance with the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement’s Labor Action Plan calls into question not only the government’s intentions but also the efficacy of human rights activism and discourse for social resistance to neoliberalism. Colombia has managed to adjust the narrative on human rights and improve its international image, paving the way for U.S. ratification of the free-trade agreement despite the fact that the human rights situation continues to be very serious. Its success in this is due to the way in which the debate on the agreement and human rights was framed—with a very narrow focus on trade unionists’ rights and a discourse that did not link civil and political rights to economic and social rights—and to the ideological affinity between neoliberalism and the dominant liberal discourse on human rights. El incumplimiento del Plan de Acción Laboral por parte del gobierno colombiano, en el marco del TLC con Estados Unidos, pone en tela de juicio no solo las intenciones del gobierno, sino la utilidad y eficacia del activismo y discurso de los derechos humanos para la resistencia social al neoliberalismo. El Estado colombiano ha logrado ajustar la narrativa sobre los derechos humanos y mejorar su imagen internacional, lo que le permitió ser “premiado” con la ratificación del TLC a pesar de que la situación de derechos humanos siguiera siendo grave. Esto se debe a la forma en que se enmarcó el debate sobre el TLC y los derechos humanos—con un enfoque demasiado restringido y un discurso que no integró los derechos civiles y políticos con los derechos económicos y sociales—y a la afinidad ideológica entre el neoliberalismo y el discurso dominante de los derechos humanos.


Author(s):  
Ling Ling He

Driven by both economic and geopolitical imperatives, negotiation of the Australia-China Free Trade Agreement (ACFTA) has been slow and difficult. The negotiation process has reached an impasse since the latest round took place in March 2012. Major reasons for this include difficulties encountered in negotiating on agriculture, services, investment, and government procurement contracts and surrounding populist resistance from both Australian and Chinese domestic constituencies. Following more than eight years of negotiations and establishment of closer trade related ties, there is a lot at stake for both countries in the outcome of these discussions. This paper examines these issues and of the way forward towards a workable negotiation process.


2021 ◽  
Vol 110 ◽  
pp. 05011
Author(s):  
Yulia V. Kelesh ◽  
Elena A. Bessonova

The spread of digital technology around the world is accompanied by the uneven development of digitalization processes on the territory of different countries. Russia is no exception. The problem of digitalization management in the Russian Federation must be solved by building an effective system of its management. In order to implement digitalization management throughout the country, it is necessary, first of all, to establish this process on the territory of federal cities: Moscow, St. Petersburg and Sevastopol. Federal cities have all opportunities for building an effective system of digitalization management which in the future could be applied in other Russia’s regions without any serious failures and significant losses. The review and assessment of trends in the current development of digitalization in Russia’s cities of federal importance, the identification of priority digital technologies and priority areas of digitalization in them, the evaluation of their digital life level indicates the unresolved issues of digitalization management in the cities under consideration. A competent organization of digitalization management in federal cities based on the proposed directions will ensure the successful development of digital transformation processes within their territories, and other Russia’s regions will be able to adopt their experience in the future.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 60-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ravin Jesuthasan

Purpose This paper aims to explore how a new industrial revolution with digital technology at its core is disrupting the workplace. It shares how HR has an opportunity to use data and digital technologies to reinvent how organizations engage with their workforce. It answers the question of how HR pivots from its legacy focus on compliance and being a steward of employment to the work and helping the organization strengthen its connection with its workers through improved digital engagement. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based on Willis Towers Watson thought leadership and references recent findings from their research. Findings The paper explores how digital technologies have changed how workers connect with their co-workers and the organization. In addition, it examines how digital technologies are changing how work gets done. Research limitations/implications The paper is not exclusively based on research. Practical implications The paper explores how digital technologies drive engagement, HR’s role as steward of the work and enabler of digital engagement and best practices for enabling digital engagement in the modern workplace. Originality/value This paper fulfills a need to assist HR leaders in thinking through the implications of the future of work and how digital technologies will shape that future.


Author(s):  
Badar Iqbal ◽  
Munir Hasan

More than 11 years have passed and Doha Development Round (DDR) has been in the doldrums, having full uncertainties that may result in closure. Trade negotiations are at a standstill, resulting in revivalism of trade protectionism in the name of “new regionalism” or preferential agreements (India-Japan, India-EU). This would lead to dismantling multilateral trading system for which World Trade Organization was created in January 1995. It is vital to protect and preserve the gains of the WTO in a variety of related areas. Therefore, the success of a multilateral trading system is imperative, and this could only be possible when DDR is successful and revivalism takes place. If impasse is continued, the concept and practices of free trade would be transformed into trade protectionism in the name of new regionalism. If it happens, then the future of global trade is uncertain and there would be enormous loss of potential and opportunities of creation of trade, and no country could afford it. Doha is stuck. Where do we go from here? The present chapter analyses the issues relating to the closure vs. success of the DDR. Every effort must be made to keep it alive both in the interest of mankind and the globe. If in 12th round, nothing concrete comes up, then the member countries are thinking and planning to replace it by Global Recovery Round (GRR), which is becoming more significant to deal with. Hence, this chapter attempts to examine the three options, namely closure, revival, and replace.


2017 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 92-95
Author(s):  
Kathleen Claussen

These remarks are derived from a forthcoming work considering the future of international trade law. Compared with most features of the international legal system, the regional and bilateral trade law system is in the early stages of its evolution. For example, the United States is a party to fourteen free trade agreements currently in force, all but two of which have entered into force since 2000. The recent proliferation of agreements, particularly bilateral and regional agreements, is not unique to the United States. The European Union recently concluded trade agreement negotiations with Canada, Singapore, and Vietnam to add to its twenty-seven agreements in force and is negotiating approximately ten additional bilateral or multilateral agreements. In the Asia-Pacific Region, the number of regional and bilateral free trade agreements has grown exponentially since the conclusion of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Free Trade Area of 1992. At that time, the region counted five such agreements in force. Today, the number totals 140 with another seventy-nine under negotiation or awaiting entry into force. The People's Republic of China is negotiating half a dozen bilateral trade agreements at present to top off the sixteen already in effect. India likewise is engaged in at least ten trade agreement negotiations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) reports 267 agreements of this sort in force among its members as of July 1, 2016.


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