scholarly journals Women and Canadian politics: a case study of Toronto women candidates during the 2006 federal election in the Canadian press

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ceri Au
2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-92
Author(s):  
Muhammad Mahsun ◽  
Misbah Zulfa Elizabeth ◽  
Solkhah Mufrikhah

This article analyses the factors leading to the success of women candidates in the 2019 elections in Central Java. Recent scholarship on women’s representation in Indonesia has highlighted the role that dynastic ties and relationships with local political elites play in getting women elected in an environment increasingly dominated by money politics and clientelism. Our case study of women candidates in Central Java belonging to the elite of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)-affiliated women’s religious organisations Muslimat and Fatayat shows that strong women candidates with grassroots support can nonetheless win office. Using the concepts of social capital and gender issue ownership, and clientelism, we argue that women candidates can gain a strategic advantage when they “run as women.” By harnessing women’s networks and focusing on gender issues to target women voters, they are able to overcome cultural, institutional, and structural barriers to achieve electoral success even though they lack resources and political connections.


Author(s):  
Melody E. Valdini

Chapter 4 examines the inclusion calculations of party elites in the aftermath of a massive corruption scandal. It argues that party elites have an incentive to strategically increase the presence of women candidates in such an environment in order to associate themselves and their party with stereotypical feminine traits, but this incentive is not always enough to trigger inclusion. Case study analyses of Spain, Portugal, and Ireland are presented, with evidence that political parties in Spain and Portugal recruit and run more women candidates in high-profile positions after a massive scandal breaks but, due to the high “costs” of running women in the institutional environment of Ireland, this effect is not found there. Finally, the chapter presents a large-N regression analysis of legislative electoral results over a period of 20 years, with evidence that more women win legislative seats in the aftermath of a corruption scandal.


1991 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian McAllister

AbstractThe extent of differences in mass-elite political opinion and their theoretical implications have long been a source of interest to democratic theorists. Early classical democratic theorists saw education as the solution to mass-elite political differences, with an educated mass public displaying the same support for democratic institutions as their elite counterparts. By contrast, the later democratic elitists saw little that would reduce mass-elite differences. More recently, modern elite theorists have argued that elites are more polarized on political issues than mass publics, and that political conflict can be moderated by the ability of elites to downplay potentially divisive issues. Using Australia as a case study, these three approaches to mass-elite political differences are analyzed using a matched survey of voters and candidates conducted at the Australia 1987 federal election. The results show little support for education as a factor reducing mass-elite differences and point to the democratic elitists' argument that mass-elite political differences are fixed and enduring. In line with modern elite theories, the results also confirm the existence of more intense issue polarization among elites than among voters, and elites' ability to control the issues that reach the political agenda.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Indah Adi Putri

This paper discusses the matrilineal kinship network used as social capital by women legislative candidate in the 2014 election. It is known that in Minangkabau which adheres to matrilineal kinship system, where there are ninik mamak and bundo kanduang that play a big role in the people. This is a social capital that can be used by women candidates as a strategy to get and gain voice support. The research was conducted on three women candidates who advanced for DPRD West Sumatra, two of them are petahana. The research method is qualitative with case study type. Data were collected by conducting in-depth interviews to women legislative candidates, and those involved in the process of winning candidates, such as ninik mamak and bundo kanduang.


Author(s):  
Andrew Robinson ◽  
Karen Schlegl

This paper reports on a pilot study designed to further and expand upon the work of Philip M. Davis and Suzanne A. Cohen at Cornell University. It attempts to determine whether student's increasing reliance on the Internet is actually affecting the quality of their research by conducting bibliometric analysis of papers submitted by Canadian politics students at the University of Regina. . .


2017 ◽  
Vol 40 (6) ◽  
pp. 893-908 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Trottier

This article considers the 2015 federal election in Canada as the emergence of seemingly citizen-led practices whereby candidates’ past missteps are unearthed and distributed through social and news media channels. On first pass, these resemble citizen-led engagements through digital media for potentially unmappable political goals, given the dispersed and either non-partisan or multi-partisan nature of these engagements. By bringing together journalistic accounts and social media coverage alongside current scholarship on citizenship and visibility, this case study traces the possibility of political accountability and the political weaponisation of mediated visibility through the targeted extraction of candidate details from dispersed profiles, communities and databases.


1995 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
George Feaver

CANADIAN POLITICAL ARITHMETIC IS A TRICKY BUSINESS. IN Canadian politics, as in Alice's Wonderland, things become ‘curiouser and curiouser’. In suggesting, on the eve of the October, 1993 Canadian federal election, that it looked like ‘the Liberals’ election to lose’, I thought I had gone out on a limb. Brian Mulroney, who by the date of his departure was regarded throughout English Canada with almost universal antipathy, had retired. With their new leader, Prime Minister Kim Campbell, at the helm, polls published at the time the election was called indicated that the ruling Conservatives were favoured by 36 per cent of leaning and decided voters, as compare to 33 per cent for the Liberals. The Tories could win, or at least deny the liberals a clear majority.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shuguang Wang

This study explores the role identity plays in Canadian politics, taking the Chinese community in Toronto as a case study. The study aims to answer two general questions: why is the Chinese community in Toronto statistically under-represented in Canada's municipal, provincial and federal elected positions? What is the community's perception of political representation and participation and their future role in Canadian politics? This study concludes that the patterns of racial minority political representation and participation are shaped by both their cultural tradition in their countries of origin and their experiences in Canadian society. The dual status of immigrants and visible minority has negatively affected their capacity to participation. Unfavorable political opportunity structure for visible minorities in general also constitutes systemic barriers for Chinese Canadians' political representation. The Chinese community is aware of their weak political status in Toronto and seeking ways to improve the situation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-87
Author(s):  
Noor Rohman ◽  
Holilah Holilah

Although extensive studies have been carried out on women candidates in the Indonesia election, no specific attention discusses elected women candidates without relying on vote-buying. This paper seeks to explain how and to what extend the winning strategy of a woman candidate elected with limited financial resources. We argue that door to door canvassing and programmatic campaign through social media are a crucial alternative strategy for a woman candidate to mobilize voters. The argument builds based on the case study of an elected woman candidate from the Indonesian Solidarity Party at district 10 of the Jakarta provincial parliament. This article shows that a woman candidate prioritized personal communication with voters directly and policy program campaign as a central winning strategy. There is a more optimistic story about an elected woman candidate in the local legislative election when compared to previous studies. Our findings confirm that a woman candidate could secure the parliament seat without relying on vote-buying, political dynasty, and male power.


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