scholarly journals Managing Dissent: Energy Pipelines and “New Right” Politics in Canada

2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathleen Raso ◽  
Robert J. Neubauer

This article explores the political controversy surrounding the proposed Northern Gateway bitumen pipeline by analyzing the modalities through which elite rationalities structure public news discourse. First, through a news analysis, the authors identify the most common pro-approval actors cited speaking in favour of the project. Next, they identify the most prominent pro-approval civil society sources and ascertain their level of embeddedness in conservative discourse coalitions. Finally, the authors identify the dominant framing techniques that disproportionately structure the public discourse around the Gateway project. The article ultimately argues that over-reliance on “official sources,” the prominence of industry-backed civil society organizations, and the influence of hegemonic discourses on journalistic practice all conspire to structure the public discourse on Northern Gateway in favour of elite preferences and rationalities.Cet article explore la controverse politique entourant l’oléoduc de bitume proposé par Northern Gateway en analysant les modalités selon lesquelles les rationalités d’élites structurent le discours tenu dans les médias d’information. D’abord, au moyen de l’analyse de nouvelles, les auteurs identifient les acteurs appuyant l’oléoduc que les médias citent le plus souvent. Ensuite, ils identifient les sources de la société civile les plus en vue et évaluent leur degré d’appartenance à des coalitions conservatrices. Enfin, les auteurs identifient certaines techniques de cadrage qui jouent un rôle disproportionné dans la structuration du discours public à l’égard du projet Gateway. Cet article se conclut en soutenant qu’une dépendance excessive envers des « sources officielles », la centralité d’organismes de la société civile appuyés par l’industrie, et l’influence de discours hégémoniques sur la pratique journalistique coïncident pour structurer le discours public sur Northern Gateway en faveur de préférences et de rationalités d’élites.

Author(s):  
Cecilia Sarabia Ríos ◽  
Nemesio Castillo Viveros

Las Organizaciones de la Sociedad Civil en Chihuahua han desarrollado un proceso de reflexión e innovación en cuanto a estrategias de participación en el espacio público y en el posicionamiento de sus demandas sociales en la agenda oficial. En esta investigación, se analiza el origen y los cambios provocados por la implementación de las políticas económicas neoliberales en México y su correspondencia con los registrados en la relación entre el Estado y la sociedad civil, en particular, con sus organizaciones. Se expone el caso del Plan Estratégico de Juárez como ejemplo emblemático en los procesos de adaptación, innovación e incidencia en la toma de decisiones, y se argumenta a favor de una lógica de adaptación y resistencia ante las políticas neoliberales del Estado Mexicano, a través de la definición, negociación y renegociación con sus instituciones.Palabras clave: Neoliberalismo y Sociedad civil, y Organizaciones Development and incidence of Civil Society Organizations in Chihuahua, MexicoSummaryThe Civil Society Organizations in Chihuahua have developed a process of reflection and innovation regarding strategies of participation in the public space and the positioning of their social demands in the official agenda. In this research, we analyze the origin and changes caused by the implementation of neoliberal economic policies in Mexico and their correspondence with those registered in the relationship between the State and civil society, in particular, with their organizations. The case of the Juarez Strategic Plan is presented as an emblematic example in the processes of adaptation, innovation and incidence in decision-making, and it is argued in favor of a logic of adaptation and resistance to the neoliberal policies of the Mexican State, through the definition, negotiation and renegotiation with its institutions.Keywords: Neoliberalism and Civil society, and Organizations Développement et impact des organisations de la société civile à Chihuahua, MexiqueRésuméLes organisations de la société civile à Chihuahua ont développé un processus de réflexion et d’innovation à propos des stratégies de participation dans l’espace public et du positionnement de leurs demandes sociales dans l’agenda officielle. Dans cette recherche, nous analysons l’origine et les changements provoqués par la mise en œuvre des politiques économiques néolibérales au Mexique et leur corrélation avec ceux observés dans la relation entre l’Etat et la société civile, en particulier avec ses organisations. Nous présentons le cas du Plan Stratégique de Juárez en tant qu’exemple emblématique des processus d’adaptation, d’innovation et d’impact dans la prise de décision et nous argumentons en faveur d’une logique d’adaptation et de résistance face aux politiques néolibérales de l’Etat mexicain, au travers de la définition, négociation et renégociation avec ses institutions.Mots-clés: Néolibéralisme, Société civile, Organisations


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 984-1005 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matti Minkkinen

This article investigates how futures of privacy protection are made in Europe. The public consultation phase of the European Union’s data protection reform is analysed as a case of making the future by using the future, that is, influencing institutional change through anticipatory storylines. A qualitative analysis of consultation responses is conducted, and two discourse coalitions are identified. The industry coalition promotes market liberalisation to allow the digital future to emerge. The civil society coalition, in turn, argues for rescuing privacy with strict rules. The article suggests that plausibility in relation to the discursive and extra-discursive environment is crucial for the success of storylines. The second storyline was relatively successful because it was more plausible in light of the trend of legalism and the predominant future-oriented narrative of privacy in danger. The ‘anticipatory institutionalism’ approach opens novel perspectives concerning actors’ future-oriented projects in relation to historical processes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 367-378 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wojciech Woźniak

Sport mega events are the most prominent manifestations of the multidimensional and global interrelation between sport and politics. The purpose of the paper is to present the contrasting cases of two Polish SMEs: UEFA European Championships in football (Euro, 2012) and the bid for Winter Olympic Games Cracow 2022. This article pays special attention to the role of Polish political elite in promoting both events and to the grassroots movement that effectively ended the bidding for the latter event. It also discusses how the allegedly successful Euro 2012 tournament was presented in the public discourse in order to avoid conflicts and debates about the very idea of hosting the games. This proved unsuccessful in the latter case. This case deserves scrutiny as it is an unusual example of effective bottom up mobilization of civil society against the whole political elite.


1997 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald N. Jacobs ◽  
Philip Smith

Contemporary social theory has turned increasingly to concepts such as civil society, community, and the public sphere in order to theorize about the construction of vital, democratic and solidaristic political cultures. The dominant prescriptions for attaining this end invoke the need for institutional and procedural reform, but overlook the autonomous role of culture in shaping and defining the forms of social solidarity. This article proposes a model of solidarity based on the two genres of Romance and Irony, and argues that these narrative forms offer useful vocabularies for organizing public discourse within and between civil society and its constituent communities. Whilst unable to sustain fully-inclusive and solidaristic political cultures on their own, in combination the genres of Romance and Irony allow for solidaristic forms built around tolerance, reflexivity, and intersubjectivity.


2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-332 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Clare R. Hermoso ◽  
Carmen Geanina Luca

English This article discusses civil society’s role in the process of local development undertaken by countries transitioning towards democracy, comparing and contrasting the experiences of the Philippines and Romania. The study illuminates the limits and possibilities offered by the democratization process in terms of how civil-society organizations can participate more meaningfully in local development and in establishing structures of democracy. French Cet article examine le rôle de la société civile dans le processus de développement local entrepris dans deux pays en transition vers la démocratie, les Philippines et la Roumanie. L'étude met en lumière les limites et les possibilités du processus de démocratisation quant à la participation des organisations civiles dans le développement et l'établissement de structures démocratiques. Spanish Se explora el papel de la sociedad civil en el desarrollo local llevado a cabo en países en transición hacia la democracia. Se compara la experiencia de Las Filipinas, Rumania. Se iluminan los límites y posibilidades ofrecidas por el proceso de democratización en ambos países en términos de cómo las organizaciones civiles pueden participar de una forma significativa en el desarrollo local y en el establecimiento de estructuras democráticas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. p264
Author(s):  
Johanna Hallin ◽  
Nathalie Ahlstedt Mantel

Civil society organizations in Sweden are facing new challenges and opportunities in a rapidly changing context. Demographical changes, a new political climate and a broad professionalization of the sector demand a transformational shift in business. In the project Tailwind, four leading CSOs in Sweden develop new strategies and policies to navigate the new landscape. The project explores the question of how these organizations will have to transform to be able to thrive in the future. Using positive psychology and appreciative inquiry as a method for this piece of research, key insights found include: the CSOs need to draw on the strengths of the organization when strategically developing the operations, to build their operations on empathic meetings with the target group, and to step up to claim an expert position in the public eye, sharing knowledge and insight with decision-makers about the needs of the target group.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-43
Author(s):  
Xijin Jia

The Law on the Management of Overseas NGOs’ Activities in Mainland China has come into effect on January 1, 2017. Ever since its second draft was unveiled to the public and then the final draft was adopted, Chinese and international civil society organizations have expressed their concerns and criticisms, far beyond the expectation of the Chinese government that intends to regulate illegal activities and protect legitimate rights with this law. This paper argues that the unexpected responses are provoked not only by the political purpose behind the adoption of this law – to safeguard national security – but also by the different interpretations of the law due to the differences in legal thinking. Beginning with an analysis of the law’s text, this paper continues to look at the regulatory framework and what has provoked the unexpected responses from the public, examines the differences in legal thinking – an underlying issue in this regard, and proposes that to ensure the effective enforcement of the law efforts should be made in three aspects, i.e. making clarification, establishing standard procedures, and protecting rights, to settle the idea differences between the legislature and the overseas civil society.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Kohnert

ABSTRACT & RÉSUMÉ : The Gnassingbé clan has ruled the country since 1967. The demand for political alternance, initiated by institutional and electoral reforms, constituted the major contentious issue between the government and the challengers of the Gnassingbé regime throughout the survey period. An alliance of opposition parties and civil society groups organized peaceful demonstrations in opposition to the regime, which were often violently suppressed. Civil society organizations and representatives of the Christian church supported the demands of the opposition. The legislative elections of 20 December 2018, boycotted by the major opposition parties, resulted in an easy victory of the ruling party. The local elections, crucial for democratization at the grass-roots, but postponed time and again since 1987, were again postponed in December 2018 sine die. The human rights record of the government has improved but remains poor. Despite undeniable improvements to the framework and appearance of the regime's key institutions during the review period, democracy remains far from complete. However, the international community, notably Togo’s African peers, the AU and ECOWAS, followed a ‘laissez-faire’ approach in the interests of regional stability and their national interests in dealing with Togo. Economic growth remained stable at about 5% per annum. Public investment in infrastructure (e.g. roads, harbour) and increases in agricultural productivity, notably of export crops, had been the key drivers of economic growth. However, growth remains vulnerable to external shocks and the climate and has not been inclusive. Positive growth was overshadowed by increasing inter-personal and regional inequality as well as an increase in extreme poverty. Moreover, money-laundering, illegal money transfers and trafficking grew alarmingly. The business climate improved considerably nevertheless. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RÉSUMÉ:: Le clan Gnassingbé dirige le pays depuis 1967. La demande d'alternance politique, initiée par des réformes institutionnelles et électorales, a constitué le principal différend entre le gouvernement et les rivaux du régime de Gnassingbé tout au long de la période d'enquête. Une alliance de partis d'opposition et de groupes de la société civile a organisé des manifestations pacifiques contre le régime, qui ont souvent été réprimées avec violence. Les organisations de la société civile et les représentants de l'église chrétienne ont soutenu les revendications de l'opposition. Les élections législatives du 20 décembre 2018, boycottées par les principaux partis de l'opposition, ont permis une victoire facile du parti au pouvoir. Les élections locales, cruciales pour la démocratisation à la base, mais reportées à plusieurs reprises depuis 1987, ont été à nouveau reportées en décembre 2018 sine die. Le bilan du gouvernement en matière de droits de l'homme s'est amélioré mais reste médiocre. Malgré des améliorations indéniables du cadre et de l’apparence des principales institutions du régime au cours de la période considérée, la démocratie est loin d’être achevée. Cependant, la communauté internationale, notamment ses homologues africains du Togo, l’UA et la CEDEAO, a adopté une approche de «laisser-faire» dans l’intérêt de la stabilité régionale et de leurs intérêts nationaux face au Togo. La croissance économique est restée stable à environ 5% par an. Les investissements publics dans les infrastructures (par exemple, les routes et les ports) et l’augmentation de la productivité agricole, notamment des cultures d’exportation, ont été les principaux moteurs de la croissance économique. Cependant, la croissance reste vulnérable aux chocs extérieurs et au climat et n’a pas été inclusive. La croissance positive a été éclipsée par l'augmentation des inégalités interpersonnelles et régionales ainsi que par l'augmentation de l'extrême pauvreté. En outre, le blanchiment d’argent, les transferts d’argent illégal et le trafic se sont multipliés de manière alarmante. Le climat des affaires s’est néanmoins considérablement amélioré.


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (37) ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
Laís Amélia Revoredo de Paula ◽  
Maria Aparecida do Nascimento Cavalcanti Marques ◽  
Roberto Silva da Penha

O Terceiro Setor compreende as atividades voluntárias realizadas pela sociedade civil voltadas para o atendimento do interesse público. O objetivo da pesquisa foi identificar os principais fatores que influenciam na prestação de contas das Organizações da Sociedade Civil de Interesse Público (OSCIP) das entidades situadas no Estado do Rio Grande do Norte. Foi realizada uma pesquisa descritiva, na qual se utilizou como instrumento para a coleta de dados um survey direcionado aos gestores das 38 entidades qualificadas como OSCIP e que possuem o registro no portal do Cadastro Nacional de Entidades Sociais do Ministério da Justiça (CNES/MJ). Os resultados demonstraram que 50% das instituições não possuem os relatórios de prestação de contas disponíveis no portal CNES/MJ, apesar dos gestores entenderem a prestação de contas como uma forma de continuarem percebendo recursos. No que tange aos fatores identificados como passíveis de influenciar na prestação de contas, verificou-se que as entidades que possuem mais tempo de qualificação têm algum órgão específico dentro da organização e que o fato de ter uma contabilidade interna favorece a prestação de contas. Outro achado importante é que na percepção dos respondentes, o prazo estipulado para a prestação de contas é insuficiente comprometendo a adimplência por parte das entidades.Palavras-chave: Terceiro Setor. Prestação de Contas. OSCIP.Abstract The third sector comprises voluntary activities carried out by civil society aimed at meeting the public interest. The objective of the research is to identify the main factors that influence the accountability of Civil Society Organizations of Public Interest (OSCIPs) of entities located in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. A descriptive research was carried out in which a survey was conducted as a tool for the data collection directed to the managers of the 38 entities qualified as OSCIPs and that have the registration in the portal of the National Register of Social Entities of the Ministry of Justice (CNES / MJ). The results showed that 50% of institutions do not have the reporting reports available on the CNES/MJ portal, although managers see accountability as a way to continue to perceive resources. Regarding the factors identified as capable of influencing the accountability, it was verified that the entities that have more qualification time have some specific organ within the organization and that the fact of having an internal accounting favors the rendering of accounts. Another important finding is that in the respondents’ perception, the deadline for accountability is insufficient, jeopardizing compliance by the entities.Keywords: Third Sector. Accountability. OSCIP.


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