scholarly journals Russia’s Strategies towards BRICS: Problems and Opportunities

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 534-542
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Anatolievich Sergunin

This article aims to examine Moscow’s policy motives regarding BRICS as well as priority areas in Russia’s strategy towards this grouping. The Russian policies towards and within BRICS represent a combination of ideational and material motives. On the one hand, BRICS is important for the Kremlin in terms of status seeking: with the BRICS’ help Russia tries to return its status of a great power, shape the future world order and to make the West abide by the rules of that order. On the other hand, Moscow values its economic and strategic partnerships with the BRICS states which are important for Russia’s well-being and for counter-balancing the West in the global geopolitical and geoeconomic game. In other words, BRICS provides Russia with additional prestige in the international arena as well as greater legitimacy to its international activities. In contrast to the West’s accusations, in case of BRICS Russia’s foreign policy behavior does not fall into the category of the revisionist one. Rather, Russia (similar to other BRICS countries) prefers to act on the basis of existing international rules and norms rather than to challenge or keep them intact. Russia aims at reforming these rules to adapt them to new global realities and make them acceptable for all the members of the world community.

1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 356-365 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fouad A-L.H. Abou-Hatab

This paper presents the case of psychology from a perspective not widely recognized by the West, namely, the Egyptian, Arab, and Islamic perspective. It discusses the introduction and development of psychology in this part of the world. Whenever such efforts are evaluated, six problems become apparent: (1) the one-way interaction with Western psychology; (2) the intellectual dependency; (3) the remote relationship with national heritage; (4) its irrelevance to cultural and social realities; (5) the inhibition of creativity; and (6) the loss of professional identity. Nevertheless, some major achievements are emphasized, and a four-facet look into the 21st century is proposed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 932-950
Author(s):  
Vladislav Vyacheslavovich Emelyanov

Every few decades, the world order changes due to various geopolitical, economic and other circumstances. For example, as a result of globalization, the world order has undergone significant changes in the last forty years. Globalization has led to the destruction of the postwar world order, as well as to world leadership by the United States and the West. However, in recent decades, as a result of globalization, the U.S. and the West began to cede their leadership to developing countries, so there is now a change in the economic structure of relations in the world system. Today the center of economic growth is in the East, namely in Asia. There are no new superpowers in the world at the moment, but the unipolar world will cease to exist due to the weakening of the U. S. leadership, which will lead to a change in the world order. A new leader, which may replace the U. S., will not have as wide range of advantages as the USA has. Most likely, the essence of the new order will be to unite the largest countries and alliances into blocks, for example, the USA together with the Trans-Pacific Partnership, the EU, etc. The article outlines forecasts of GDP growth rates as well as the global energy outlook; analyzes the LNG market as well as the impact of the pandemic on the global oil and gas market; and lists the characteristics of U. S. geopolitics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (04) ◽  
pp. 92-106
Author(s):  
Vitaly KOZYREV

The recent deterioration of US–China and US–Russia relations has stumbled the formation of a better world order in the 21st century. Washington’s concerns of the “great power realignment”, as well as its Manichean battle against China’s and Russia’s “illiberal regimes” have resulted in the activated alliance-building efforts between Beijing and Moscow, prompting the Biden administration to consider some wedging strategies. Despite their coordinated preparation to deter the US power, the Chinese and Russian leaderships seek to avert a conflict with Washington by diplomatic means, and the characteristic of their partnership is still leaving a “window of opportunity” for the United States to lever against the establishment of a formal Sino–Russian alliance.


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-24
Author(s):  
I. V. Bocharnikov ◽  
O. A. Ovsyannikova

Тhe article reveals the main directions of transformation of the modern world order caused by the decline of the American-centric system, as well as the crisis of European integration. The main factors that determine the development of these processes, problems and prospects for the formation of a new world order at the beginning of the third decade of the XXI century are determined. The most significant aspects of the transformation of the policy of the United States and its European allies in relation to Russia are considered, and historical analogies are drawn with the processes of transformation of the world community in the XIX and XX centuries.


Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2(71)) ◽  
pp. 149-170
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Gruszko

Human rights in international relations are defined by the boundaries between individual states and regions, as well as the most important theories of international relations. The assumption of their universal character often finds no reflection in the foreign policy of states, especially the strongest ones. The most important players and theories do not question the existence of human rights as such, however, their role and place in international relations are interpreted differently. Human rights in Hong Kong, the meeting place of the West and Confucianism in the context of globalization, may become the litmus test of the intentions of the world powers and their vision of a World Order in regard to human rights.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Alexander Slocombe

<p>Understanding national identity through foreign policy provides a strong means of ascertaining the prevailing social constructions within a great power nation state. There is a growing need to understand the national identities of Russia and China without pre-theorising or depending on asymmetric comparative studies with regional states. China and Russia are frequently compared to their regional neighbours which undermines understanding their unique identities. There are also frequent misunderstandings of contemporary Chinese and Russian national motives, often likening the modern Russian state to the Soviet Union, or attempting to understand China as a challenger to US unipolarity. Both great powers exhibit common characteristics of authoritarianism, both have recently endured massive social and national changes, and both have global interests that manifest in the Middle East such as securing vital geostrategic resources, both states are conscious of their native Muslim populations and to be recognised as a great power identity both must demonstrate influence in the Middle East. Yet, there have been significant differences in agendas and outcomes of their foreign policy decisions. This thesis seeks to use a constructivist framework to discern Russian and Chinese identity through comparison of their respective foreign policy. Contrary to “neo-realist” and “neo-liberal” arguments that accept state interests as rational, determined by the international system, and not determined by identity, this thesis seeks not to pre-theorise but to identify how their respective actions towards three key case studies in the Middle East; the Syrian Civil Conflict, the Iranian Nuclear Framework, and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, indicate their prevailing social constructions. This thesis compares Russian and Chinese attitudes and actions towards these cases. Despite their similar disposition and principles towards international relations these two nations had significant points of difference. Drawing upon foreign policy analysis and a comparative model this thesis finds that despite the commonalities between the Russian and Chinese nations, Russian identity as great power, unique Eurasian power, and an alternative to the West, ensures a defiance of its relatively weak economic position to engage in positions of leadership in the Middle East, whilst China’s identity constructions that are common with Russia, its great power, civilisational, and alternative to the West constructions manifest despite an increasingly influential and material position in the world order, has provided little incentive to engage in meaningful ways throughout the Middle East’s recent conflicts.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-39
Author(s):  
Evgeny A. Khodakovsky

Modern transformations of the world community lead to the increasing of the global risks and to the decreasing of the significance of the western model of socio-political development, the ideological basis of which is liberalism, which still plays an important role in the integration processes of our time. The crisis trends in the global economy and politics have worsened in connection with the COVID-19 pandemic and have exposed the inadequacy of the recently developed interpretations of liberalism to the objective requirements of global security. The development of the civilization idea of Russia, based on the coordination of the concepts of freedom, responsibility and security in the conditions of contradictory interaction of internal and external risks, will serve to reduce the degree of total uncertainty. The ideologem of "Risk, Responsibility and Freedom" can also contribute to the development of a new model of the world order and to the resolution of global security problems.


1996 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 88-99
Author(s):  
Hussin Mutalib

The Image and Impact of Islamic Resurgence The global phenomenon of Islamic resurgence (or Islamic revival­ism). which has caught the attention of Muslims and non-Muslims, has impacted the world community in many different ways. Much of this reassertiveness of the Islamic ethos has been discussed and published.' Feeling somewhat threatened by the "rise of Islam" as it were, the gen­eral non-Muslim and western attitude has been one of suspicion and awe: such Muslim "fundamentalist" behavior and trends, it was argued, had to be checked or even thwarted, or else Muslims would make life difficult for others. There were some exceptions to such a negative atti­tude and response. but by and large such a wariness had permeated the thinking of many non-Muslims, including western powers and the non­Muslim world generally. This mindset lingers until today as the world approaches the arrival of the twenty-first century-manifest, for instance. in the "clash of civi­lization" thesis postulated by the well-known Harvard professor, Samuel Hun-tington recently. Even more recent was the declaration by both the French Defense Minister and the NATO secretary-general that the world today is facing a new threat after the fall of communism, that of Islamic fundamentalism, and their call for the West to bolster support only to what he called moderate Muslim regimes.2 The behavior and actions of fanatics and extremists, both Muslim and non-Muslim, the world over, have exacerbated the problem and, consequently, worsened the poor image that people have of Muslims and Islam ...


2016 ◽  
pp. 123-130
Author(s):  
I. Khyzhnyak

The publication contains the present day consideration of the new global world order general structure came up after well-known developments of the Dignity Revolution in Ukraine. There has been also revealed the controversial essence of the new phase of the international standoff between the systemic composing segment of the Transatlantic origin (EC states, the USA, British Common-wealth of Nations) and Ukraine in addition on the one hand, and Russia – on the other. It clearly shows the Russia’s policy of expansion: annexation of Crimea and unleashing war in Donbas region as well as to become one of the key centers of the world global poles of the superpowers arrangement. The degree of systemic impact on the present day historical  background’s  developments  as factors of reversely acted effect of overall  outcome after the World War II has been analyzed as well.


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