scholarly journals Desovereignization and the Loss of Political Subjectivity by the State

Author(s):  
A V Minaev

The article discusses the interconnection of desovereignization processes and state’s loss of political subjectivity. The author points out the need to introduce a special approach to the identification and to the analysis of state sovereignty, as well as offers to consider facts of limitation of sovereignty in terms of desovereignization processes. This specialization of study helps to search to detect and to establish allowable state restrictions of state sovereignty in which its supreme power retains the ability to quickly and effectively respond to threats promotion policy of national interests. Restriction of sovereignty, according to the author, is acceptable only when it does not lead to a loss of political subjectivity of the state.

2019 ◽  
pp. 167-175
Author(s):  
Inna Shevchuk

The article is devoted to the actual issues of determining the role of national interests in ensuring the economic security of the state. Established in the field of economic security, the priority national interest is the development of the national economy and the growth of the welfare of citizens. The researchers' views on the definition of the concept of «national interests» are researched and generalized that national interests are a systemic, synergetic concept that reflects the vital values of the Ukrainian people as the bearer of sovereignty and the sole source of power in Ukraine, the defining needs of society and the state, the realization of which guarantees state sovereignty of Ukraine and its progressive development. It is noted that national interests are realized through state interests, where the population of the country acts as the subject of interests, and the state through the state institutions implements and protects these interests. The main components of national interests include the provision of military-political sovereignty, economic well-being and cultural needs of the population. The military-political, socio-economic situation in Ukraine and the impact of globalization processes have made it possible to formulate a number of national interests, including: protection of state sovereignty; ensuring economic stability through self-sufficiency, stability and competitiveness of the national economy; polyvectorality of the country's foreign policy and the establishment of Ukraine as a reliable international partner; creation of conditions for the development of the spirituality of the population, improvement of the physical health of the nation; preservation of intellectual and scientific potential of the country, regulation of the issue of youth mobility. It has been proved that democratization processes require the involvement of citizens and civil society institutions in this process in order to form national interests through the maximum coverage of all spheres of society's life for the protection of human rights and citizen and acceleration of socio-economic development and modernization of the national economy. The most acute threats to national interests in the field of national and economic security are formulated. It is summarized that in the field of economic security, national interests reflect the vector of economic development of the state, its aspirations for economic independence and the effective use of economic benefits.


2020 ◽  
pp. 158-173
Author(s):  
Mykhailo Boichenko ◽  
Yuliia Rudenko

The article is devoted to the analysis of the ratio of external and internal sources of state sovereignty. It is found that sovereignty cannot be established without external sources, and the sovereignty of the state is to establish external relations with other states as political monads, i. e. coexisting political substances. At the same time, the sovereignty of the state is closely interconnected with the idea of national identity: the justification of sovereignty is the integration of all cultural groups of the country around the idea of national identity, which is the subject of protection of state sovereignty. The national idea acts as the main source of legitimation of the state’s sovereignty, and the national identity acts as a mechanism for combining the national idea and the state’s sovereignty. In today’s globalized society, national identity appears not as an opponent of internationalism, but as a prerequisite for building international relations in recognition of the sovereignty of states that have their own national idea. The global state appears not as a replacement for the nation-state, but only as a principle of interdependence and expression of the need for cooperation between modern nation-states. Global civil society creates a need for the principle of multilateralism in the interaction between modern states, i. e. the need for their constructive interaction based on mutual respect for the idea of national identity and its derivatives — national interests, national values and so on. The strategic provision of internal sources of state sovereignty, especially a clear link between national identity and the integrated national idea, makes possible and appropriate to turn to external sources of state sovereignty.


Author(s):  
Aleksey Vladimirovich Kondratyev ◽  
Svetlana Viktorovna Vorobyeva

We examine processes of desovereignization and the loss of a state political subjectivity. Noted the necessity of research and analysis of state sovereignty in the context of globalization and threats to international peace, which affect the degree of independence of the state and require the search for legal and political levers to protect the monolithic right of the state to independence, inviolability and non-interference in internal affairs. Has been made an attempt to search for detect and establish acceptable grounds for limiting state sovereignty. It is established that the voluntary restriction of sovereignty with the transfer of powers to supranational entities has constructive consequences in the form of good-neighborly cooperation, financial and economic support of states from international financial institutions, etc. In cases where, in order to establish the rule of law, protect human rights and freedoms and under other good intentions, the policy of the state is interfered with by both the organs of the international community and individual states that have endowed themselves with the right of “international arbiter”, fears for the stable development of national states increase. It is concluded that any limitation of sovereignty should not lead to interference in the national interests of the state and to the loss of political and legal independence.


This collection brings together scholars of jurisprudence and political theory to probe the question of ‘legitimacy’. It offers discussions that interrogate the nature of legitimacy, how legitimacy is intertwined with notions of statehood, and how legitimacy reaches beyond the state into supranational institutions and international law. Chapter I considers benefit-based, merit-based, and will-based theories of state legitimacy. Chapter II examines the relationship between expertise and legitimate political authority. Chapter III attempts to make sense of John Rawls’s account of legitimacy in his later work. Chapter IV observes that state sovereignty persists, since no alternative is available, and that the success of the assortment of international organizations that challenge state sovereignty depends on their ability to attract loyalty. Chapter V argues that, to be complete, an account of a state’s legitimacy must evaluate not only its powers and its institutions, but also its officials. Chapter VI covers the rule of law and state legitimacy. Chapter VII considers the legitimation of the nation state in a post-national world. Chapter VIII contends that legitimacy beyond the state should be understood as a subject-conferred attribute of specific norms that generates no more than a duty to respect those norms. Chapter IX is a reply to critics of attempts to ground the legitimacy of suprastate institutions in constitutionalism. Chapter X examines Joseph Raz’s perfectionist liberalism. Chapter XI attempts to bring some order to debates about the legitimacy of international courts.


Focaal ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 2009 (54) ◽  
pp. 89-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Projit Bihari Mukharji

The reflections in this article were instigated by the repeated and brutal clashes since 2007 between peasants and the state government’s militias—both official and unofficial—over the issue of industrialization. A communist government engaging peasants violently in order to acquire and transfer their lands to big business houses to set up capitalist enterprises seemed dramatically ironic. De- spite the presence of many immediate causes for the conflict, subtle long-term change to the nature of communist politics in the state was also responsible for the present situation. This article identifies two trends that, though significant, are by themselves not enough to explain what is happening in West Bengal today. First, the growth of a culture of governance where the Communist Party actively seeks to manage rather than politicize social conflicts; second, the recasting of radical political subjectivity as a matter of identity rather than an instigation for critical self-reflection and self-transformation.


2021 ◽  
pp. 83-88
Author(s):  
Anna Turenko

Economic sovereignty and its elements are analyzed in the article. It is emphasized that a significant step for rethinking approaches to the characteristics of the sovereignty of the state, in particular, the economic became European integration processes. On the example of tax sovereignty as a basic component of economic sovereignty, it is argued that state sovereignty and its realization depends not only on the right of state to independently decide on tax-legal regulation, but also on the nature of those measures selected by the state to carry out regulatory influences.


2018 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Іvan Pobochiy

The level of social harmony in society and the development of democracy depends to a large extent on the level of development of parties, their ideological and political orientation, methods and means of action. The purpose of the article is to study the party system of Ukraine and directions of its development, which is extremely complex and controversial. The methods. The research has led to the use of such scientific search methods as a system that allowed the party system of Ukraine to be considered as a holistic organism, and the historical and political method proved to be very effective in analyzing the historical preconditions and peculiarities of the formation of the party system. The results. The incompetent, colonial past and the associated cruel national oppression, terror, famine, and violent Russification caused the contradictory and dramatic nature of modernization, the actual absence of social groups and their leaders interested in it, and the relatively passive reaction of society to the challenges of history. Officials have been nominated by mafia clans, who were supposed to protect their interests and pursue their policies. Political struggle in the state took place not between influential political parties, but between territorial-regional clans. The party system of Ukraine after the Maidan and the beginning of the war on the Donbass were undergoing significant changes. On the political scene, new parties emerged in the course of the protests and after their completion — «Petro Poroshenko Bloc», «People’s Front», «Self-help»), which to some extent became spokespeople for not regional, but national interests. Pro-European direction is the main feature of the leading political parties that have formed a coalition in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Conclusion. The party system of Ukraine as a result of social processes is at the beginning of a new stage in its development, an important feature of which is the increase in the influence of society (direct and indirect) on the political life of the state. Obviously, there is a demand from the public for the emergence of new politicians, new leaders and new political forces that citizens would like to see first and foremost speakers and defenders of their interests.


Author(s):  
V. V. Naumkin

The presentation analyzes three belts of ethno-political conflict that directly affect the national interests of Russia. The link between ethno-political processes and globalization is highlighted, uncovering a number of challenges. Seven characteristic features of the contemporary world order are identified and their influence on the state of ethno-political conflicts and the prospects for their settlement are discussed.


2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-27
Author(s):  
Ю. О. Загуменна

A comprehensive theoretical and legal study of the transformation of ideas about the nature of national security reform in domestic jurisprudence has been carried out. The author has defined the priorities and directions of the reform in the field of national security and, more importantly, its theoretical and methodological basis. It has been determined that the main object of the reform in the field of national security is the whole complex of public relations, which is subject to special protection by the system of entities of ensuring national security. The system of such social relations is centered around the defining national interests, which usually include the vital interests of a man, society and the state and the implementation of which ensures the state sovereignty, its progressive development, and safe living conditions and welfare of citizens. It has been noted that the main purpose of national security reform is to improve legislation and governance in the national security sector, which can provide qualitative strengthening in accordance with current and future needs of society to protect key national interests from external and internal real and potential threats. It has been concluded that national security is not considered in modern, both domestic and international science, exclusively as an “acquisition” and a sphere of monopoly responsibility of the state; we cannot eliminate the active participation of civil society structures, which should exercise public control over the course of such a reform and, if necessary, should have the tools of close communication with state authorities at the stage of initiating the reform, constructing its goals and objectives, directions and perspectives and at the stages of its implementation. Restriction of the capacity of the state, especially in times of economic crisis, highlights the need to optimize the participation of non-government actors in ensuring national security. Obviously, such activity of the non-governmental sector should be strongly encouraged by legislative instruments, legitimizing measures for national security reform through its close involvement and providing them with additional public support.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 21-23
Author(s):  
Aleksey L. Bredikhin ◽  
◽  
Evgeniy D. Protsenko ◽  

In this article, the authors analyze the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, adopted in 2020, with a view to their influence on the state of Russian sovereignty and note that the topic of sovereignty is central to these amendments. Researchers conclude that the amendments constitute, first and foremost, the strengthening of the sovereignty of the Russian Federation, the autonomy of state jurisdiction, and the increasing status and role of Russia in the world political system.


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