scholarly journals Root causes and ways of the settlement of ethno-political conflicts

Author(s):  
V. V. Naumkin

The presentation analyzes three belts of ethno-political conflict that directly affect the national interests of Russia. The link between ethno-political processes and globalization is highlighted, uncovering a number of challenges. Seven characteristic features of the contemporary world order are identified and their influence on the state of ethno-political conflicts and the prospects for their settlement are discussed.

2020 ◽  
pp. 34-51
Author(s):  
Larissa Nikovskaya

The article deals with the sociological aspects of the analysis of political conflict related to the socio-structural and subjective foundations of political processes and relations. It is shown that many problems and contradictions in the social sphere, such as social polarization, excessive inequality, poverty and violation of the principles of social justice, deprivation of basic needs and interests, unstable labor employment significantly determine the field of politics and are projected on the object and subject of political conflict, weighing down their course and positive outcomes. The insolubility of social problems and contradictions, their encapsulation cause either a decrease in the population's interest in politics, in the effectiveness of democratic institutions, contribute to the widening of the gap between the «private» and «public», generate a sense of political alienation and powerlessness, or push to meet basic needs beyond the existing social norms and political institutions, to destructive forms of resolving political conflicts, which leads to a loss of control of society and social catastrophe. The sociological analysis of conflict interactions based on the predominance of horizontal connections and relationships contributes more to maintaining a dynamic balance in society and realizing the positive potential of political conflict, as it differs in flexible intra-group connections and mobile inter-group barriers in the socio-political system. Excessive class divisions and inequality tend to vertical polarization of society, which strengthens the «discontinuous» lines of interaction between the «top» and «bottom», makes the dichotomy «rule-submission» rigid, and reduces the possibilities of dialogical plasticity and flexibility of the political system.


Lex Russica ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 163-175
Author(s):  
A. V. Pogodin ◽  
A. V. Putintsev

The authors of the paper make an attempt of a complex theoretical and historical analysis of factorsthreats to the national security of Russia in the information space. Within the framework of the problem statement, the urgency of the study of national security issues within the framework of the general theory of state and law is substantiated, the features forming the concept of a factor-threat to national security are developed. The attention is focused on the role of passionate personalities in the processes of destabilization of society. It is hypothesized that a two-tier structure of the information space as an object of information security, including deep (ideology) and surface levels, the modeled relationships between processes occurring at these levels. Analyzing the periods of extreme transformations of the Russian statehood (revolutions of 1917 and perestroika), the authors find the connection between the efficiency of political processes regulation and the presence of changes in the information space. It is suggested that there is a stable connection between legal regulation, scientific and technological progress and the state of protection of national interests. The emergence or increase in the availability of new technical means of disseminating information to the population inevitably leads to a lag in the regulation of relevant public relations, which, combined with certain political and social factors, jeopardizes national security. The forecast of development of a situation in the short-term prospect is given taking into account the development of the Internet. As a conclusion, the authors propose to focus on the development of a new model of information security regulation, based on the awareness of the loss of the effectiveness of traditional means and methods of legal regulation, which the state had previously. Having lost the monopoly on control over the surface level of information space, the state can and should ensure stability at the level of ideology.


Author(s):  
I. N. Timofeev

The problems of the world order is often seen through the interaction of the leading centers of power. Nevertheless there is another approach, locating actorhood in the state, which forms the world order. State acts in international affairs, it has the right of legitimate violence, it also has the ability to concentrate the economic and human resources. Obviously, the nature of the state as part of the international system has an effect on the system itself, defining its key parameters. From that point of view, some questions arise: what happens to the state? What is the effect of its transformation on the contemporary world order? Why the state is changing? What hierarchy of states exists in the contemporary world order? The author proceed from the following theses. First, the nation state is no longer a universal formula of nation building. However, there is no balance between two key foundations of a legitimate order - fairness and efficiency. Second, the current world order is a mosaic of fundamentally different states. Each state is trying to find a formula for the combination of a fairness and efficiency. These formulas do not always coincide with each other, and it underlays the stability in international relations. Third, a small group of major powers still play the key role in the world order. The issue of sovereignty of many countries remains open. World order, as well as a state, is characterized by imbalance between equity and efficiency. The awaited harmony of these two principles may be spoofed again the triumph of efficiency oover justice -maintenance of order through the balance of power and a rigid hierarchy.


Author(s):  
S. Iu. Sokoliuk ◽  
◽  
O. S. Tupchiу ◽  
O. V. Zharun

The article analyzes the concept of "customs regime", characteristic features are formulated, main elements, goals and functions of customs regimes in the development of foreign economic relations. The classical classification of customs regimes under the Customs Code of Ukraine is substantiated. Based on the analysis, a position on the study concept is substantiated, the interpretation of the category "Customs regimes" is provided. The conducted research confirms that under the customs regime, we understand the set of customs procedures that establish the rules for moving goods through the customs border of Ukraine and their further use in order to ensure the interests of the state in the customs sphere. The functions of customs regimes are analyzed: fiscal, which finds its implementation in the collection of customs payments in order to ensure the financial interests of the state in foreign economic activity; stimulating, implemented by exempt from customs taxation and the use of non-tariff regulation, simplification of customs procedures in order to stimulate subjects of foreign economic activity, promoting the development of a national economy, etc.; protective, which involves the use of non-tariff regulatory measures and aims to protect the economic and other national interests of the state by introducing a licensing, quota and other non-tariff restrictions when placing goods in customs regimes; control - aimed at ensuring compliance with the norms of the current legislation of Ukraine in the customs sphere, which is implemented through specific methods and forms inherent in control in the field of public administration; the regulatory, purpose of which is to regulate the order of action when placing the goods in the customs regime associated with the direction of movement of goods through the customs border, the definition of the status of goods and operations with it, etc. According to the results of generalization, the study is substantiated by the classification of customs regimes, which includes: a) the main (import (issue for free circulation) and export) as customs regimes aimed at ensuring the state's financial interests in foreign economic activity; protection of its economic and other national interests; b) preferential customs regimes (transit, customs warehouse, free customs zone, temporary import of goods to customs territory and exports at its boundaries, processing in customs territory and abroad), the purpose of applying which is to stimulate the subjects of foreign economic activity of the state, development of the national industry, promoting international trade, economic relations and relationships in the humanitarian sphere; c) special customs regimes (Repimport, re-export, duty-free trade, destruction or destruction and refusal of the state) that are not provided for by the European Union's customs law and in its essence or are auxiliary, or such that define certain signs of goods.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro B.H.S. ◽  
Nona Siska Noviyanti

In this book, Francis Fukuyama delivers his arguments concering the issue about the lack of "organizational tradition" in several "failed" or "weak" states, which in turns becomes the greatest threat to the contemporary world order. Fukuyama argues that the United States, and the West in general, after rightly intervening in such states either militarily or economically (most often through institutions like IMF or World Bank), have failed to transfer institutional and public- and private- sector capability to them. Although their objective is to "create self-sustaining state institutions that can survive the withdrawal of outside intervention," the developed world has met its failure, setting people of the developing countries up for "large disappointments." For much of the last half-century, the trend has been to weaken the state. Now, the evidence suggests that a new approach is required, one that goes beyond simply shrinking or enlarging the state, and begins to deal with enabling the state to be more effective based on local conditions. Fukuyama suggests that the answer lies in providing states with internal organizational structure and, above all, a culture that enables strong leaders and government institutions to enforce capitalist and free-market values. While some basic outcomes are to be expected, the way each nation gets there will be different.


Author(s):  
Natalia Nikolaienko

It’s stated that the annexation of Crimea and Russian-Ukrainian hybrid war in Eastern Ukraine is a threat and a challenge not only to Ukraine’s national security, its sovereignty but also to the contemporary world order. Ukrainian political system has not yet formed an appropriate and effective means and mechanisms to counter Russian hybrid expansion. The author underscore that it is impossible to ensure national security of Ukraine today, using only traditional approaches combined to improve the state security functions or satisfy some narrow interests. This approach is ineffectual and also stimulates overspending of public resources and leads to duplication of the central authorities’ functions, and sometimes even starts threat to the state’s national interests. Russian aggression is the result of ineffectual government policies, rising corruption, and lack of sufficient resources to ensure living standards of the population. It is proved that for Russia the war with Ukraine is a perfect way to overcome the dysfunctional private system, as cheap media and small losses not only ensured survival but also laid the possibility of prolonged exposure to other geopolitical players, and development trends in the geopolitical environment.


Unity Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 54-69
Author(s):  
Dharma Bahadur Baniya

Since the emergence of the New World Order in the international relations, the pursuit of national interests through traditional hard power has come under intense criticism. Employment of military instrument in foreign soil in particular, has been questioned. Examples of Afghanistan, Korean Peninsula, Iraq, and Middle-East demonstrate that hard power approach alone, has been barely successful to handle multi-dimensional security challenges in the contemporary world. Although the hard power remains as important instruments of national power, its employment is becoming less significant due to its legitimacy and effectiveness in the changing global environment. Hence, the concept of soft power has been advanced as an alternative approach because of its potential of securing national interest without using force or coercion. Though the smart power, as an appropriate combination of hard and smart powers, has its implications in the international politics; soft power constitutes a very real power. This article argues on why soft power has been a more relevant instrument for the states being blessed or lacking the military might. Finally, the article presents its analysis with implications and recommends on ways in which small states like Nepal need to resort to soft power to ensure their foreign policy objectives and security in the changing international order.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (40) ◽  
pp. 162-174
Author(s):  
Antoni Olak ◽  
Bożena Konecka-Szydełko

The beginning of the 21st century is characterized by a deep crisis of the national and international security system. For many factors caused by the intensification of military-political conflicts of a new type, the term “hybrid war” is now used. A feature of these conflicts is, in the first place, the use by the opponents of a wide scale of non-military means of influence: economic, informational, environmental, social, political and others. It is important here to justify the importance of the transformation of the state system of civil protection, which is being developed under the influence of contemporary military and political conflicts. The problem of military-political rivalry, by defining the content of the term “military-political conflict”, leads to a confrontation of political entities both within the state and at the state level, as well as between states, aimed at achieving their own political interests using various means and ways of influencing the political, military, economic, social and information spheres. The purpose of this speech is to present the mechanisms of solving all existing problems related to the functioning of society and to present the forms and features of contemporary hybrid conflicts.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 31-42
Author(s):  
L.I. Nikovskaya ◽  

The article deals with the sociological aspects of the analysis of political conflict related to the socio-structural and subjective foundations of political processes and relations. It is shown that many problems and contradictions in the social sphere, such as social polarization, excessive inequality, poverty and violation of the principles of social justice, deprivation of basic needs and interests, unstable labor employment significantly determine the field of politics and are projected on the object and subject of political conflict, weighing down their course and positive outcomes. The insolubility of social problems and contradictions, their encapsulation cause either a decrease in the population's interest in politics, in the effectiveness of democratic institutions, con- tribute to the widening of the gap between "private" and "public", generate a sense of political alienation and powerlessness, or push to meet basic needs beyond the existing social norms and political institutions, to destructive forms of resolving political conflicts, which leads to a loss of control of society and social catastrophe. Sociological analysis of the subject cross-section of conflict interaction shows that a conflict based on group interests (in comparison with class and elitist) contributes more to maintaining a dynamic balance in society and realizing the positive potential of political conflict, since it is characterized by flexible intra-group connections and mobile inter-group barriers in the socio-political system. Class and elitist models of conflict tend more to vertical polarization of society, which strengthens the "discontinuous" lines of interaction between the "top" and "bottom", makes the dichotomy "rule-submission" rigid, and reduces the possibilities of dialogical plasticity and flexibility of the political system.


Author(s):  
Richard Shapcott

This chapter argues that extraterritoriality (ET) is an important idea and practice in the contemporary world that can be a possible site of state cosmopolitan responsibility. However, it also contains a serious potential for interstate domination and the assertion of national rather than cosmopolitan interests. Therefore, in order to avoid merely being a further opportunity for interstate domination, it must be understood in cosmopolitan terms as being concerned with regulating and restricting the state, and its agents and citizenry’s capacity for transnational harm. Only when understood in cosmopolitan terms can ET be a legitimate exercise of state responsibility beyond borders, even in the absence of a ‘cosmopolitan’ world order.


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