scholarly journals Evolution of power as an indicator of structural transformations: political and managerial aspect

Upravlenie ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-146
Author(s):  
V. V. Tyan
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Structural Transformations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Conflict Interaction ◽  
Accurate Indicator

The problem of the evolution of power as an indicator of structural transformations has been considered. An analysis of Russian practice allows us to draw a number of conclusions of interest to political science. A retrospective analysis of the evolution of power types provides additional knowledge about the political process and reveals an important political and managerial aspect for this study. Attention has been focused on the structural transformation of the current government.The interdependence of the subject of power and the object of power determines their interaction. It can be different (conflict, consensus, close) and characteristic of a certain type of political system (absolute and constitutional monarchy, presidential and parliamentary, presidential-parliamentary, confederative, federal republic). Monarchist rule with elements of coercion is doomed to conflict interaction, which predetermined the half-heartedness of all reforms in the Russian Empire. The traditional legitimization of power did not contribute to the improvement of interaction. Soviet rule, effective in mobilizing society, with real achievements, did not escape a critical number of negative indexes. Almost one hundred percent legitimization of the Soviet government did not remove doubts about its strength. The democratic legitimization of power requires it to implement a program of transformations in the system of power and society. The evolution of power is an accurate indicator of transformations in society. Political structuring remains the prerogative of the current government. Difficulties in the implementation of the program force the government to shift attention to maintaining stability in society.A well-structured power is a condition for its effective functioning. The efficiency of power (fighting corruption, ensuring of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth, solving social problems, etc.) is due to its ability to respond adequately to challenges and find consensus in decision-making in political turbulence.

scholarly journals Intellectuals and political discourse of resistance (sketches of Russian culture)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Skiperskikh ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Thought ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Culture ◽  
Soviet Culture ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government

In the article, the author shows how the government and the opposition interact in the political process. Actors representing opposition constantly produce political texts illustrating their alternative views. The existence of the opposition subject in a critical state in regards to the existing institutions of power is historically predetermined, which proves an active reflection from prominent theorists of political thought. A free dialogue of the government and the opposition is hardly possible in every single political system. In the case of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, this dialogue may be difficult. The consequences of free will for the subject of opposition can be quite severe. The author analyzes the political discourse of opposition as exemplified by the Soviet culture. The author is interested in the metaphors of opposition and their political context, which seems to be an inevitable condition and framework limiting creativity of one or another intellectual. The author studies a number of texts of the Soviet culture representatives, who used metaphors of opposition, and had a reputation of troublemakers. Such position of an intellectual generates sanctions of the repressive machine and predetermines very specific forms of presenting texts of opposition and apophasis. For convincing his own arguments, the author constantly turns to the heritage of the USSR representatives of unofficial culture in.

The Canadian Senate: Politics and The Constitution

1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 378-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry S. Albinski
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Canadian History ◽  
Political Controversy ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Prestige

“… [M]ost Canadians who are aware of the subject,” says the author of a recent essay, “feel that the [Canadian] Senate has outlived its usefulness and has become a superfluous appendix to the political system. Indeed, the prestige and authority of the Senate has probably fallen to its lowest level in Canadian history.” Considering the disparagements which have been tossed at the Senate, the allusions to “… genial old gentlemen who … live on, undisturbed, meeting a few weeks in the year, bumbling and grumbling at the government, making a few good speeches, and drawing an annual indemnity [now $10,000] for less work than any other citizens of Canada,” this was a restrained indictment. Nevertheless, in 1961 and early 1962, the Senate was also being extolled in some quarters as the keeper of Canada's conscience. Yet others saw it as a crafty player of rank politics and as an infringer on constitutional propriety. The Prime Minister threatened Senate reform and the injection of Senate misbehavior as an election issue. The Senate had seemingly come to life, and in so doing thrust itself into the center of Canadian political controversy. The purpose of this article is to examine the problems surrounding the position of the Senate in the Canadian political system, through an analysis of the agitated discussions of 1961-62.

Prime Ministers of the Russian Empire as Appraised by the Rights (1905 – the first half of 1914)

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 273-311
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Prime Ministers ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
Head Of Government

The article examines the attitude of the monarchists to the political figures who headed the Council of Ministers in 1905–1914. Monarchist organizations that functioned in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century were absolutely loyal to the monarch but at the same time were rather skeptical towards the government appointed by him. With most criticism they treated the first Chairman of the Council of Ministers – S. Yu. Witte. They blamed him not only for the destruction of farming in favor of industry development, making the population take to drinking with the aim to replenish the treasury, betrayal of Russian’s interests in the negotiations in Portsmouth and constitutionalism, but also expressly accused him in supporting the revolutionary movement in Russia with goal of seizing the supreme power. P.A. Stolypin was initially received by the monarchists rather loyally in the position of the head of government, but later he also caused displeasure of the Rights when he followed the way of “the constitutionalism” and relied on parliamentary parties in his work, leaving the non-conventional monarchists on the sideline of political process. Moreover, the Rights claimed that Stolypin was to blame for the split in the monarchist camp into the “Dubrovintsy” and the “Obnovlentsy” whose struggle against each other weakened the Rights on the verge of the critical challenge. The new head of the government V.N. Kokovtsov was well supported by the Rights for a certain time who saw him as a kind of “technical” Prime Minister, not outshining the monarch. But when Kokovtsov refused to financially support the “Obnovlentsy” wing of the Rights, who were at first quite loyal to the government, they drifted into the camp of the opposition. And “Dubrovintsy” approved of some of Kokovtsov’s actions in the spheres of finance and economy, but still were wary of the Prime Minister as they saw him as supporter of liberal ideas in the government. So, only I.L Goremykin, who were twice appointed Prime Minister in the period of interest, was not subjected to the criticism of the Rights, who highly valued his devotion to the monarch and thus disregarded the lack of actual success of the government headed by him.

Political System Transparency and Monetary Commitment Regimes

2002 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 861-887 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Lawrence Broz
Keyword(s):  
Exchange Rate ◽  
Central Bank ◽  
Exchange Rates ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Fixed Exchange Rates ◽  
Government Interference ◽  
The Government

Central bank independence (CBI) and fixed exchange rates are alternative monetary commitments that differ in transparency. While CBI is opaque and difficult to monitor, a commitment to a fixed exchange rate is easily observed. Political systems also vary in terms of transparency. I argue that the transparency of monetary commitments and the transparency of political systems are substitutes. Where political decision making is opaque (autocracies), governments must look to a commitment that is more transparent and constrained (fixed exchange rates) than the government itself. The transparency of the monetary commitment substitutes for the transparency of the political system to engender low inflation. Where the political process is transparent (democracies), a formal commitment to CBI can produce lower inflation because private agents and the political opposition are free to detect and punish government interference with the central bank. Statistical results indicate that (1) autocracies are more likely to adopt exchange-rate pegs than democracies, and (2) CBI is effective in limiting inflation in nations with high levels of political transparency.

Political Participation during the First Five Years of the New Society in the Philippines

1982 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 270-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohd. A. Nawawi
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Small Towns ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Political ◽  
Martial Law ◽  
The Government

Like most developing countries, the Philippines before the imposition of martial law towards the end of 1972 was characterized by the fact that the majority of her population, living in the small towns and the countryside, were actually peripheral to the national polity. The political process was largely concerned with the intra-elite conflicts and manoeuvrings. As the government did not derive the bulk of its revenue from the income and resources of the mass of the citizenry, the political system functioned mainly as a giant system of patronage.

scholarly journals “Top” and “bottom” of the political space: structural peculiarities in the Russian politics

2021 ◽  
pp. 33-40
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Vladimirovich Skiperskikh
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Structural Peculiarities ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
Rules Of The Game

The author makes an attempt to deconstruct political space on the example of modern Russia. The object of this research is the political space of modern Russia as one political whole. The subject of this research is the disposition of “top” and “bottom” in the political space of modern Russia. Albeit a unified whole, the political space in fact is a sum of contradictory and balancing oppositions. The presence of power enhances social conflict, and actualizes political process. The author proves this thesis, referring to numerous examples from the Russian politics. The main conclusion lies in giving a new perspective on the political space as highly hierarchical. The political space is regulated from the top, which suggests the presence of specific rules of the game therein. Such rules establish the resource disposition of the political actors. The government becomes detached from society more and more. Political space in Russia has its clear “top” and “bottom”. The formation of “top” and “bottom” has historical and cultural grounds, which are used by the government to justify their supreme position. Legitimation of power suggest approval of the already existing hierarchy of power. The scientific novelty lies in viewing the political process in modern Russia through the prism of “top” and “bottom”, which are in the irreconcilable conflict.

Challenges of the parliamentary system in Iraq after 2003

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Political Transformations ◽  
The Us ◽  
Long Time

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.

Referendum konstytucyjne we Włoszech. Jak głosowanie ludowe wpływa na system polityczny państwa?

2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.

Democracy and Political Culture

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Social System ◽  
Political System ◽  
Democratic Politics ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The One ◽  
Definition Of

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.

Back to the Westminster model? The Brexit process and the UK political system

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Westminster Model ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Quantitative Indicators ◽  
The Impact

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.

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