scholarly journals Contradictions in perceiving corruption by Russia’s population and its presentation in the official discourse

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Alexander Pavroz ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Data ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Statistical Data Analysis ◽  
Official Discourse ◽  
Mass Consciousness ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
Public Opinion Polls ◽  
Opinion Polls

Introduction. The problem of corruption continues to be relevant in Russia. More research is needed to effectively combat corruption. Studying corruption in the context of general issues of contemporary Russian politics is particularly relevant in this regard . Purpose. The article is aimed at disclosing contradictions associated with perceiving corruption by the population of Russia and its representation in the official discourse. Methods. The author uses the following methods: analysis of statistical data, analysis of the results of public opinion polls, and discourse analysis. Scientific novelty of the research. The article demonstrates the discrepancy between citizens’ perceptions of corruption and their attitudes regarding power and the political regime. The author shows the inconsistency of the official discourse on corruption in Russia. Results. The article reveals the peculiarities of perceiving corruption by the population of Russia. Citizens’ perceptions of corruption correlate with their attitudes towards power and political regime. The author shows the key features of depicting corruption in the official discourse. Conclusions. Widespread perceptions of high levels of corruption have little impact on public support for the Russian political regime. In the mass consciousness, there is no understanding of the connection between corruption, an ineffective economy and a low standard of the population’s living. Corruption is not a significant factor in protest moods, although many causes of social discontent are somehow related to corruption. Reflections of corruption in official discourse are incomplete and internally inconsistent. The approaches to combating corruption proclaimed in the official discourse are not fully implemented in the current anti-corruption policy.

Introduction

2018 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
Eric Lagenbacher
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Election Outcome ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
German Politics ◽  
Left Party ◽  
Public Opinion Polls ◽  
Opinion Polls

Although it has not been that long since the articles of the previous special issue devoted to the 2017 Bundestag election and its aftermath have been published, the political situation in Germany appears to have stabilized. After almost six months without a new government, German politics has sunk back into a kind of late-Merkel era normality. Public opinion polls continue to show that the CDU/CSU is slightly above its election outcome, the SPD is still down in the 17–18 percent range, the FDP has lost about 2 percent of its support, while the AfD, Greens and Left Party are up 1–2 percent.

Police Misconduct and Political Legitimacy in Central America

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-283 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOSÉ MIGUEL CRUZ
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Police Officers ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Legitimacy ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Police Misconduct ◽  
Police Corruption ◽  
Political Impact ◽  
Public Collaboration

AbstractWhat is the political impact of police corruption and abuse? From the literature, we know that police misconduct destroys people's confidence in police forces and hampers public collaboration with the criminal-justice system; but, what about the political regime, especially in countries striving for democratic governance? Does police wrongdoing affect the legitimacy of the overall regime? Focusing on Central America, this article provides empirical evidence showing that corruption and abuse perpetrated by police officers erode public support for the political order. Results indicate that, under some circumstances, police transgressions can have a greater impact on the legitimacy of the political system than crime or insecurity. They also show that police misconduct not only affects democratising regimes, such as El Salvador and Guatemala, but also consolidated democracies, such as Costa Rica.

scholarly journals Holding the line on human rights accountability: Explaining the unlikely judicial overturn of the pardon and immunity granted to human rights violator Alberto Fujimori

Derecho PUCP ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 413-469
Author(s):  
Javier Alonso De Belaunde de Cárdenas
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Legal Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Studies ◽  
Culture Shift ◽  
Alberto Fujimori ◽  
Domestic Courts ◽  
Public Opinion Polls ◽  
Opinion Polls

Alberto Fujimori, Peruvian ex-president and perpetrator of human rights violations, was released from prison due to a presidential pardon in 2017. He was also granted immunity from prosecution. Although the political branches and the majority of the population supported these measures, as shown by public opinion polls, within months domestic courts overturned them completely, relying on standards set by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. This is the most unlikely result, comparatively. The article examines what could explain this pro human rights accountability behaviour in the judiciary. It argues that the outcome could be the product of two processes initialised during the Peruvian transition: Judicial empowerment (independence and power gains) and legal culture shift from positivism to neo-constitutionalism. Both are defined and analysed with reference to transitional justice and socio-legal studies scholarship. The article further seeks to identify the conditions under which Inter-American conventionality control doctrine could have a strong domestic impact.

scholarly journals The Pulse of Non-Democracy?

2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 262-289
Author(s):  
Alexey Titkov
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Representative Democracy ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Opinion Poll ◽  
Controversial Issues ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Public Opinion Polls ◽  
Opinion Polls

The article continues the discussion of Grigory Yudin’s book Public Opinion. The review considers Yudin’s arguments on the “plebiscitarian bias” in opinion-poll technology, on the linkages between opinion-polls, Rousseauist tradition and the “plebiscitarian model”, and on Gallup’s, Schumpeter’s, and Weber’s contributions to plebiscitarism. In the context of the proposed conceptual model, controversial issues in the interpretation of Weber’s and Schumpeter’s ideas, as well as an estimation of the Russian political regime in the 2010s are debated. Models of plebescitarism (including their principles and criteria) as proposed by Yudin, and by Urbinati in Democracy Disfigured are compared. The article highlights the differences between Gallup and Schumpeter, as well as between Schumpeter and Weber, in their insights into democracy and public opinion. The reviewer pays attention to the relationship between the classical doctrine of representative democracy by Schumpeter and the bourgeois public sphere by Habermas, and between public debates and the quantification of public opinion. We examine the argument about the continuity between public-opinion polls and the big projects of Modernity, such as representative democracy, public sphere, and biopolitics. Continuity argument is proposed as an alternative to Yudin’s hypothesis about the radical reinvention of ‘democracy’ and ‘public opinion’ during the inter-war period of the 20th century. Yudin’s insights on the social and political onthology of opinion-polls are preliminary, and are reconstructed for further discussion.

Should Public Opinion Polls Make Election Forecasts?

1949 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-144
Author(s):  
Gideon Seymour ◽  
Archibald Crossley ◽  
Paul F. Lazarsfeld ◽  
George Gallup
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Results ◽  
Public Opinion Polls ◽  
Opinion Polls

Since the political upset last November, opinion has been divided on the question of whether pollsters should continue predicting election results. Here are the views of an editor, two poll-takers, and a communications scientist. By a vote of three to one, their answer to the question is “Yes!”

scholarly journals La disputa social por el Distrito Federal

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Reyes del Campillo Lona
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
Distrito Federal ◽  
Public Opinion Polls ◽  
Opinion Polls ◽  
Ruling Party

This paper analyzes the stages of the 2006 election in Mexico City and examines the social conflict that polarized the political figures as well as the electorate. It also talks about the selection process of the candidates, particularly those of the ruling party, as well as the campaigns and their impact on the public opinion polls and, finally, it analyzes the final results. The election showed an evident division or tension line among the electorate that entails a strong social and ideological content.

Some Correlates of Regime Support in Canada

1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan Kornberg ◽  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Lawrence Leduc
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Public Support ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
Matters Of Concern ◽  
Nation Wide Survey ◽  
Regime Support ◽  
The Impact

This paper is concerned with the distribution and foundations of public support for the political regime in Canada. Support for the regime historically has been a matter of concern to Canadian elites. The recent provincial electoral victory of the Parti Québécois, a party dedicated to making Quebec an independent nation, has made regime support and maintenance matters of concern to average citizens as well. The analyses that follow are based upon data gathered in a nation-wide survey of the Canadian electorate in 1974. We focus on the following areas: the extent to which socio-demographic and attitudinal variables conventionally employed in studies of political behavior are related to levels of regime support; the relationships between the direction and strength of partisanship and support for the political regime; the relationships between attitudes toward key political institutions and political actors and the level of regime support; and finally, the effects of major structural and cultural factors (i.e. federalism and regionalism) on support for the regime. From the perspective of comparative political analysis, research in these areas allows us an opportunity to comment on and expand the base of the existing empirical research on regime support. From the more particular perspective of Canadian politics, our analysis may help to clarify the impact on regime support of ethnicity, regionalism, federalism and a British-model parliamentary system.

The Level and Sources of Popular Support for China's Current Political Regime

1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jie Chen ◽  
Yang Zhong ◽  
Jan William Hillard
Keyword(s):  
Public Support ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Sample Survey ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
Authoritarian Government ◽  
High Level

This article assumes that whether the current Chinese authoritarian government can maintain socio-political stability during the potentially turbulent transition to the post-Deng Xiaoping era depends, at least in part, upon the level of popular support for the political regime (or regime legitimacy). Based on data derived from a sample survey of Beijing residents, this study seeks to address two fundamental questions: “To what extent does the current Chinese communist regime enjoy public support?” and “What are the possible sources of popular support for the political regime in contemporary China?” The findings in this study suggest that (1) the current communist regime still enjoys a moderately high level of popular support, and (2) popular support for the regime is most likely to be found among those who are optimistic about the country's economic and political futures, who are most satisfied with their life, who give high evaluations of incumbent policies, who often follow public affairs, and who are older. Based on these findings, the article concludes that the current communist regime seems to have a good chance of remaining legitimate among a majority of the Chinese people, while it is still facing serious challenges from its policy performance in some major public policy areas.

The socio-economic factor viewed through political predilections of people living in the Krasnodar Krai, 2016–2018

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (12) ◽  
pp. 2326-2337
Author(s):  
D.I. Uznarodov
Keyword(s):  
Statistical Data ◽  
Comparative Method ◽  
Economic Factor ◽  
Economic Situation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Statistical Data Analysis ◽  
Krasnodar Krai ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Data Alignment

Subject. The article focuses on socio-economic processes in the Krasnodar Krai within 2016 through 2018 and their impact on political predilections of people living there. Objectives. The study evaluates to what extent the socio-economic situation influences political predilections of people in various municipalities of the Krasnodar Krai. Methods. The study is based on methods of data alignment, comparative method, statistical data analysis. Results. I evaluate to what extent the socio-economic situation influences political predilections of people living in various municipalities of the Krasnodar Krai. Having analyzed metrics of the region's socio-economic situation, I found advanced and underdeveloped municipalities of the Krasnodar Krai. The article also refers to the outcome of municipal votes in economically leading and lagging districts of the Krasnodar Krai, thus revealing the extent to which the socio-economic situation influences political predilections of the region's population. Conclusions and Relevance. The socio-economic situation has a meager effect on political predilections of people living in the Krasnodar Krai within 2016 through 2018. Notwithstanding the socio-economic position, in various districts, people demonstrate the identical support to political movements seen during elections. There is the dormant potential for the political opposition, which has not yet been activated by political rivals. What mainly causes the low support to opposition parties is that their respective candidates have insufficient representation at municipal elections across multi-mandate electoral districts.

Regime Support in Canada: A Comment

1980 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 402-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael M. Atkinson ◽  
William D. Coleman ◽  
Thomas J. Lewis
Keyword(s):  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Data Base ◽  
Public Support ◽  
National Election ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Study ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Causal Sequence ◽  
Regime Support

In their article, ‘Some Correlates of Regime Support in Canada’, (this Journal, VIII (1978), 199–216), Allan Kornberg, Harold D. Clarke and Lawrence LeDuc set out to describe ‘the distribution and foundations of public support for the political regime in Canada’ (p. 199). Using the 1974 National Election Study as their data base and regression analysis as their primary technique, they attempt to identify the correlates of regime support and come to grips with the problem of causal sequence.

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