scholarly journals CONSELHOS MUNICIPAIS DE EDUCAÇÃO EM SANTA CATARINA E NO PARANÁ: do pioneirismo ao lugar-comum nas tendências hegemônicas conservadoras

Author(s):  
Adolfo Ignacio Calderón ◽  
Donaldo Bello De Souza

Este artigo se pauta na análise dos resultados de algumas investigações teóricoempíricas sobre o funcionamento institucional e sociopolítico dos Conselhos Municipais de Educação (CMEs) nos estados de Santa Catarina e do Paraná, publicados no período 1996-2010. Em termos conclusivos, confirma a hipótese inicialmente formulada de que o pioneirismo político-institucional desses estados, nos anos 1980, veio a dar lugar, a partir da década de 1990, a uma prática política conservadora, de caráter hegemônico, acenando para certa inércia e instrumentalização dos CMEs pelo Executivo Local.Palavras-chave: Conselhos Municipais de Educação, Santa Catarina, ParanáThis paper is based on the analysis of the results of some theoretical-empirical research about the institutional and socio-political functioning of the Municipal Education Councils (CMEs) in the states of Santa Catarina and Paraná, published in the period 1996-2010. The article confirms the hypothesis initially formulated that the political-institutional pioneering of these states, in the 1980s, came to be replaced, from the 1990s, by a conservative political practice, whith hegemonic character, which indicates a certain inertia and instrumentalization of CMEs by the Local Executive.Keywords: Municipal Education Councils, Santa Catarina, Paraná.

Author(s):  
Adolfo Ignacio Calderón ◽  
Donaldo Bello De Souza

Este artigo se pauta na análise dos resultados de algumas investigações teóricoempíricas sobre o funcionamento institucional e sociopolítico dos Conselhos Municipais de Educação (CMEs) nos estados de Santa Catarina e do Paraná, publicados no período 1996-2010. Em termos conclusivos, confirma a hipótese inicialmente formulada de que o pioneirismo político-institucional desses estados, nos anos 1980, veio a dar lugar, a partir da década de 1990, a uma prática política conservadora, de caráter hegemônico, acenando para certa inércia e instrumentalização dos CMEs pelo Executivo Local.Palavras-chave: Conselhos Municipais de Educação, Santa Catarina, ParanáThis paper is based on the analysis of the results of some theoretical-empirical research about the institutional and socio-political functioning of the Municipal Education Councils (CMEs) in the states of Santa Catarina and Paraná, published in the period 1996-2010. The article confirms the hypothesis initially formulated that the political-institutional pioneering of these states, in the 1980s, came to be replaced, from the 1990s, by a conservative political practice, whith hegemonic character, which indicates a certain inertia and instrumentalization of CMEs by the Local Executive.Keywords: Municipal Education Councils, Santa Catarina, Paraná.


2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-459 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christina Ewig

AbstractLacking tools to measure substantive representation, empirical research to date has determined women’s substantive representation by identifying “women’s interests” a priori, with little attention to differences across race, class, or other inequalities. To address this problem, I develop the concept of intersectional interests and a method for identifying these. Intersectional interests represent multiple perspectives and are forged through a process of political intersectionality that purposefully includes historically marginalized perspectives. These interests can be parsed into three types: expansionist, integrationist, and reconceived. Identification of intersectional interests requires, first, an inductive mapping of the differing women’s perspectives that exist in a specific context and then an examination of the political processes that lead to these new, redefined interests. I demonstrate the concept of intersectional interests and how to identify these in Bolivia, where I focus on the political process of forging reconceived intersectional interests in Bolivia’s political parity and pension reforms.


2018 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 674-692 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mareile Kaufmann ◽  
Simon Egbert ◽  
Matthias Leese

AbstractPatterns are the epistemological core of predictive policing. With the move towards digital prediction tools, the authority of the pattern is rearticulated and reinforced in police work. Based on empirical research about predictive policing software and practices, this article puts the authority of patterns into perspective. Introducing four ideal-typical styles of pattern identification, we illustrate that patterns are not based on a singular logic, but on varying rationalities that give form to and formalize different understandings about crime. Yet, patterns render such different modes of reasoning about crime, and the way in which they feed back into policing cultures, opaque. Ultimately, this invites a stronger reflection about the political nature of patterns.


2003 ◽  
Vol 29 (S1) ◽  
pp. 199-221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karena Shaw

We find ourselves amidst an explosion of literature about how our worlds are being fundamentally changed (or not) through processes that have come to be clumped under the vague title of ‘globalisation’. As we wander our way through this literature, we might find ourselves – with others – feeling perplexed and anxious about the loss of a clear sense of what politics is, where it happens, what it is about, and what we need to know to understand and engage in it. This in turn leads many of us to contribute to a slightly smaller literature, such as this Special Issue, seeking to theorise how the space and character of politics might be changing, and how we might adapt our research strategies to accommodate these changes and maintain the confidence that we, and the disciplines we contribute to, still have relevant things to say about international politics. While this is not a difficult thing to claim, and it is not difficult to find others to reassure us that it is true, I want to suggest here that it is worth lingering a little longer in our anxiety than might be comfortable. I suggest this because it seems to me that there is, or at least should be, more on the table than we're yet grappling with. In particular, I argue here that any attempt to theorise the political today needs to take into account not only that the character and space of politics are changing, but that the way we study or theorise it – not only the subjects of our study but the very kind of knowledge we produce, and for whom – may need to change as well. As many others have argued, the project of progressive politics these days is not especially clear. It no longer seems safe to assume, for example, that the capture of the state or the establishment of benign forms of global governance should be our primary object. However, just as the project of progressive politics is in question, so is the role of knowledge, and knowledge production, under contemporary circumstances. I think there are possibilities embedded in explicitly engaging these questions together that are far from realisation. There are also serious dangers in trying to separate them, or assume the one while engaging the other, however ‘obvious’ the answers to one or the other may appear to be. Simultaneous with theorising the political ‘out there’ in the international must be an engagement with the politics of theorising ‘in here,’ in academic contexts. My project here is to explore how this challenge might be taken up in the contemporary study of politics, particularly in relation to emerging forms of political practice, such as those developed by activists in a variety of contexts. My argument is for an approach to theorising the political that shifts the disciplinary assumptions about for what purpose and for whom we should we produce knowledge in contemporary times, through an emphasis on the strategic knowledges produced through political practice. Such an approach would potentially provide us with understandings of contemporary political institutions and practices that are both more incisive and more enabling than can be produced through more familiarly disciplined approaches.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-165
Author(s):  
Amanda Jeanne Swain

In the aftermath of the street demonstrations in Kaunas in May 1972, Communist Party leaders developed a narrative of the events that downplayed nationalism or political dissent as motivating factors for the unrest. Initially, Soviet authorities blamed marginal elements in society, specifically hooligans and hippies, for instigating what they called a ‘disturbance of public order’. However, the demographics of participants forced Party leaders to explain why young people who were students, workers and even Komsomol members would take to the streets shouting slogans such as ‘freedom for Lithuania’ and ‘freedom for hippies’. As a result, the Communist Party focused on the failure to inculcate Soviet youth with proper ideological values, making them susceptible to manipulation by ‘hostile elements’. In doing so, Party leaders were able to use the political practice of self-criticism to keep the events of May 1972 within acceptable ideological bounds. However, the recognition of its own weaknesses did not stop the Lithuanian Communist Party from blaming other groups, such as parents, schools and cultural organizations, for failing to provide a proper upbringing for Soviet Lithuanian youth. Although cultural and intellectual organizations were only one of the factors blamed for the political immaturity of youth and their susceptibility to corrupting influences, they were the ones to suffer the consequences of the Soviet authorities’ crackdown after the street demonstrations. Through a process of applying and discarding various discursive options, Lithuanian communist officials were able to use Soviet ideological narratives to protect themselves from criticism and to eliminate disruptive cultural and intellectual leaders in Kaunas.


2008 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Aléssio Bessa Sarquis ◽  
Ana Akemi Ikeda

This article is about the brand positioning of service organizations. The aim of the paper is to inquire about the practice of brand positioning of communication agencies, and it entails the following subjects: brand identity, strategies for positioning, types of communication, system of identification, and views about the importance of positioning. The empirical research done is of the exploratory type, being qualitative, not probabilistic, and the method used for collecting data is personal depth interviewing. The data was collected from the eight most important agencies in Santa Catarina State. The results suggest that some of these communication agencies use the brand positioning strategy, but that they lack the appropriate methods, and their investment is not sufficient to communicate the positioning desired. Key words: Service Marketing. Brand positioning. Communication agencies.


Author(s):  
Joseba Agirreazkuenaga

In order to establish and consolidate the themes and ways of writing history, historians must be attentive to the global and local public agenda. Empowered lives - Resilient nations is a program for human development promoted by the UN. As long as there are local powers and local communities it will be necessary to carry out biographical-local research, analyzing these powers and communities in the past and present, establishing resilience patterns. We transform the historical research of the local past into global history. The personal and the political cannot be dissociated because “The personal is political and the political is personal”. Even eating is a political practice in today’s globalized world.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renan Barbosa de Morais ◽  
Mário César San Felice ◽  
Pedro Henrique Del Bianco Hokama ◽  
Gabriel Ávila Casalecchi

Proportionality in political representation is an essential theme forrepresentative democracy. In Brazil, this debate appears in the contextof non-proportionality between a federative unit’s populationsize and its number of representatives in the Chamber of Deputies.In other words, the number of deputies in a state is not proportionalto its number of inhabitants, which violates the "one man, one vote"principle.Discussions around this disproportionality have motivated scholarsto develop empirical research that aims to identify the causesand consequences of the phenomenon and to analyze the impactthat the rule introduces in the political process. This article seeksto contribute to this debate by measuring the effective power ofeach Brazilian federation’s entity and proposing alternatives ofdistribution for the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies.To this end, we use a mathematical concept from game theory,called Power Index, which allows quantifying the existing representationaldiscrepancies. After evaluating several distributions, wesolved the Inverse Power Index Problem (IPIP) to obtain a distributionof chairs that reduces such disparities. To solve the IPIP, whichis computationally hard, we use an evolutionary heuristic. As anobjective function to minimize the discrepancy, we use the linearShapley rule, in which the power index of each state is proportionalto its population.


2014 ◽  
Vol 25 (25) ◽  
pp. 55-67
Author(s):  
Manolis Christofakis

Abstract This paper outlines the main theoretical approaches to the role of transport in spatial organization and investigates possible new extensions at a theoretical and practical level, focusing on the analysis of transport cost. Beginning from the traditional theories of spatial distribution and the location of economic activities under transport cost, the analysis focuses on the related approaches of the new economic geography, which are based on the assumptions of the known “iceberg cost”. After that, through the presentation of indicative empirical studies, the paper attempts to clarify new issues that should be taken into account in the relevant theoretical considerations as well as in the political practice. Thus, factors such as the change of production structure in the modern economies with the production of more quality products, lower mass, and higher relative value and intangible goods, in combination with the improved transport technology, have contributed to a continuous reduction of the transport cost of raw materials and productive goods over the years. These developments along with the growing importance of cost of moving people should be taken into account in the new theoretical interrogations and the political practice of regional and urban development


2002 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 494-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Rodden ◽  
Erik Wibbels

Recent research on federalism is extremely divided. While some tout the benefits of “market-preserving” federalism, others point to the fragmentation and incoherence of policy in federal states. This research bridges the divide by analyzing the political andfiscalstructures that are likely to account for the highly divergent economic experiences of federal systems around die world. To test these propositions, the authors use an original data set to conduct analyses of budget balance and inflation infifteenfederationsaround the world from 1978 through 1996. The empirical research suggests that the level of fiscal decentralization, the nature of intergovernmental finance, and vertical partisan relations all influence macroeconomic outcomes. The find- ings have broad implications for the widespread move toward greater decentralization and for the theoretical literatures on federalism and macroeconomics.


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