scholarly journals Modeling regional cooperation in the Balkans after 1999: European experiences and their application

2021 ◽  
Vol 73 (4) ◽  
pp. 617-636
Author(s):  
Dragan Djukanovic ◽  
Marko Dasic

In this paper, the authors comparatively analyze the development of regional cooperation in Europe after the Second World War and in the Western Balkans since 1999. They compare and contrast regional cooperation in the Western Balkans (with a particular focus on the period after 2006, when the Stability Pact for Southeastern Europe was transformed into the Regional Cooperation Council, and after 2014, when the Berlin Process was launched) with similar forms of cooperation in Europe, such as the Nordic Council of Ministers, the Visegrad Group, and the Benelux. Therefore, the authors approach a comparative analysis of the composition of these regional forums and their areas of cooperation with the Regional Cooperation Council, the Southeast European Cooperation Process, and the Berlin Process. In this regard, the authors state that there are more than obvious similarities between regional cooperation in the Western Balkans, primarily with the Visegrad Group, and to a significant extent with the Benelux. Regional cooperation on the Balkan Peninsula and between the Nordic countries is similar to a lesser extent, owing to the absence of the formation of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Western Balkans, which was overlooked in 2013. The authors conclude that there are numerous obstacles to establishin g more intensive and deeper regional cooperation in the Western Balkans, the most significant of which are the lack of a multilaterally accepted regional identity, the different interests of regional leaders regarding its "originality", the conflicted views of dominant opinions, and the predominant influences of various Western actors.

2007 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. xi-21
Author(s):  
WILL BARTLETT

Abstract Summary: This article analyzes the successes and failures of regional cooperation in the Western Balkans through the prism of two policy areas: trade policy and employment policy. It investigates the role of the Stability Pact as a policy broker in mediating the policy conflicts between various national and transnational advocacy coalitions in these two areas. It concludes that regional cooperation in the field of trade policy has been less contested than in the field of employment policy. However, there have been failures in each policy area. Regional cooperation in trade policy while ostensibly successful has threatened to widen economic gaps between countries in the region. Regional cooperation in employment policy has been contested and although levels of employment protection have been reduced, expenditure of active employment policies remains low and unemployment rates remain high especially in the less developed countries in the region.


2021 ◽  
pp. 233-252
Author(s):  
Tatiana Bitkova ◽  

The article analyzes some aspects of Romania’s foreign policy in the Balkan region. It is noted that the same fact that country belongs to the Balkans causes ambiguous interpretations on the part of Romanian politicians and experts, many of whom believe that Romania cannot be attributed to this region either geographically or politically. At the same time, culturally and historically, according to a certain part of historians and sociologists, Romania nevertheless carries the features of the so-called «Balkanism», due to the common Ottoman past with the Balkan Peninsula. These features are also relevant for the current socio-political situation, which is shown in the article with specific examples. In addition, criticism of the very term «Balkanism» from the side of Romanian analysts is presented. The author also examines Romania’s relations with the countries of the Western Balkans, primarily with Serbia. The points of contact of the positions of these countries are noted, which are largely due to the desire of Serbia to resolve the Kosovo problem in its favor, relying on the support of Romania - one of the five EU countries that did not recognize the independence of Kosovo. Romania, using this situation, is trying to strengthen its position, seeking regional leadership. The author comes to the conclusion that, although the Western Balkan countries directly or indirectly aspire to Euro-Atlantic structures, some of them (primarily Serbia) maintain and develop friendly relations with Russia, which complicates their interaction with Romania, orthodoxly adhering to the NATO and European Union policies and having a very difficult relationship with Russia.


Vox Patrum ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 277-299
Author(s):  
Sławomir Bralewski

In the accounts of Socrates of Constantinople, Hermias Sozomenus and Phi­lostorgius, i.e. those ecclesiastical historians who represented the Constantino­politan point of view in church history, the region of the Balkans was neither ad­ministratively nor culturally or religiously uniform. Contents of their works sug­gest, however, that the area was very important strategically, which was indirectly stressed in Sozomenus’ and Phlilostorgius’ accounts of the conflicts between Con­stantine and Licinius, and then directly referred to when the three historians wrote on the invasion of the Goths and Maximus’ usurpation. All the three sources also imply that the Balkan peninsula became a shelter not only for refugees from the outside of the empire but also a safe haven for political fugitives from the Roman territories, as for instance is the case of Valentinian II and his entourage. It is also clearly visible that the region was treated by the historians as the hinterland of Constantinople, i.e. the second capital of the Roman Empire, founded by order of Constantine. Security of the capital was largely dependent on the stability of the Roman rule in the Balkans and the maintenance of peace in the area. The advent of the Huns, who pushed other barbarians to cross the Danube river, destabilized the region. The destabilization occurred even despite efforts of christianizing the inflowing tribes, which was an element of the strategy of the Romans targeted at subjecting the barbarian peoples to the empire both politically as well as re­ligiously. Socrates’, Sozomenus’ and Philostorgius’ accounts also show that the Balkans became a border zone of the empire (divided into its western and eastern parts) and a melting pot of various religious influences, which is exemplified by the regional history of Arianism. It is also undeniable that not only Socrates of Constantinople and Hermias Sozomenus but also Phlostorgius devoted to the Bal­kans more attention than Eusebius of Caesarea did. The fact can be explained on he basis of their geographical proximity to the region, which naturally drew the interest of the former, Constantinopole-based three. Last but not least, Sozomenus displayed in his narrative a better geographical competence as for the region than Socrates and therefore he tried to emend the account of his predecessor.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 803-825 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane Éthier

Résumé.Certains travaux indiquent qu'en matière de promotion de la démocratie, la conditionnalité des élargissements de l'Union européenne (UE) vers l'Europe du Sud et de l'Est s'est avérée plus efficace que les incitatifs employés par diverses organisations internationales. Cet article confirme la validité de ce constat en démontrant que, dans les Balkans, la conditionnalité du Processus de stabilisation et d'association de l'UE a eu des retentissements plus marqués que les incitatifs du Pacte de stabilité pour l'Europe du Sud-Est. En outre, à l'aide des théories des relations internationales, l'article analyse les fondements de l'efficacité de la conditionnalité de l'UE et les raisons pour lesquelles celle-ci a néanmoins des effets inégaux d'un pays à l'autre.Abstract.Various works indicate that, in the matter of democracy promotion, the conditionality of the European Union (EU) enlargements towards Southern and Eastern Europe has proved to be more effective than incentives of many international organizations. This article confirms the validity of this finding. It shows that, in the Balkans, the conditionality of the EU Stabilization and Association Process has had more significative impacts than the incentives of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe. Furthermore, with the help of international relations theories, it explains the determinants of the EU conditionality efficiency and the reasons why its effects nevertheless vary from one target state to another.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Djokic

The article analyzes the perspectives of Russia’s soft power in the Balkans. The Russian Federation has longstanding historical, political, cultural and economic ties to the Balkan region. Therefore, being free of a one-sided ideological approach that hampered the usage of soft power by the USSR during the Cold War era, Russia stands at the crossroads as to how best to use it’s great potential for peaceful diplomacy and influence in the Western Balkans. The article will provide an analysis of the achievements of the Russian Federation in regards to extending it’s influence in the Western Balkans, but also the downsides of it’s foreign policy. The analysis will encompass several Western Balkan states and their ties to Russia in terms of soft power: Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The article raises the question: whether Russia can withstand the struggle for influence over the Balkans with it’s greatest rivals in the region - the United States and the EU? The author concludes that it depends largely on the various approaches and methods used by Russian diplomacy and the level of funding of various projects that can be used to extend Russia’s cultural influence in the Balkan peninsula.


2021 ◽  
Vol 74 (3) ◽  
pp. 75-88
Author(s):  
Paweł Olszewski

This article deals with the important topic of the Green Agenda for the Western Balkans and its place in the perspective of the so-called Green Deal of the European Union. The author discusses the issue of the green deal and agenda from the perspective of the Union's foreign policy and the process of adaptation of the Balkans in the integration process. The topic of the participation of the Western Balkans in the pro-ecological activities of the European Union is based on a collective document presented in 2019 by the European Union as the Green Deal, setting new directions for the development of EU policy. The countries of the Western Balkans have dealt with this issue extensively in the document entitled "Sofia Declaration for the implementation of the Green Agenda for the Western Balkans". Their activities in this area are related not only to the fulfillment of assumptions regarding environmental protection but also in the context of the potential enlargement of the European Union and the willingness to join the group of Member States. In this regard, the Balkan states perceive the Green Agenda as a broader spectrum of their functioning in united Europe and the possibility of appearing on the European arena by fitting into the pan-European trend. The complexity of these processes is extremely large and covers several aspects, the implementation of which is possible not only with the support of the European Union but above all as part of the development of regional cooperation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-64
Author(s):  
Mirela Metushaj

Abstract Albania, a stabilizing factor in the region favored by its geostrategic position. Albania, being a small country in the world geography, but also in the regional one, has played a determining role in several historical moments after ’90 for its membership in the NATO, and after the membership in this organization it has played a role in guaranteeing stability and peace in the Western Balkans, and therefore in the international arena. It is a known fact that Western Balkans had and still has many ethnic, cultural and religious conflicts and has experienced various challenges which provoked the stability of the countries which, after a difficult time after the dissolution of former Yugoslavia, have been able to be independent and internationally recognized countries, aiming to become members of the NATO and EU, and for this reason they have been little prone to develop conflicts between them. Albania has proved to be always in favor of dialogue and stability in the relations between the states, with the main purpose of achieving the major aim for the Western Balkans to become a complete member in European and international organizations, as this would influence the vital and political improvement not only in some countries of the Balkans, but in the Balkans as a whole, especially in the economic aspect. What is the role of the geostrategic position of Albania in the region and elsewhere from the stability viewpoint?


Author(s):  
Jacek Wieclawski

This article discusses the problems of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe. It formulates the general conclusions and examines the specific case of the Visegrad Group as the most advanced example of this cooperation. The article identifies the integrating and disintegrating tendencies that have so far accompanied the sub-regional dialogue in East-Central Europe. Yet it claims that the disintegrating impulses prevail over the integrating impulses. EastCentral Europe remains diversified and it has not developed a single platform of the sub-regional dialogue. The common experience of the communist period gives way to the growing difference of the sub-regional interests and the ability of the East-Central European members to coordinate their positions in the European Union is limited. The Visegrad Group is no exception in this regard despite its rich agenda of social and cultural contacts. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict confirms a deep divergence of interests among the Visegrad states that seems more important for the future of the Visegrad cooperation than the recent attempts to mark the Visegrad unity in the European refugee crisis. Finally, the Ukrainian crisis and the strengthening of the NATO’s “Eastern flank” may contribute to some new ideas of the sub-regional cooperation in East-Central Europe, to include the Polish-Baltic rapprochement or the closer dialogue between Poland and Romania. Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v10i1.251  


2021 ◽  
pp. 7-21
Author(s):  
Sergei Romanenko ◽  

The new issue of the journal «Current Problems of Europe» opens with the problem-oriented article, dedicated to the analysis of the state of the Balkans / South-Eastern Europe region and its development in 2000-2020. The author gives a systemic description of the processes taking place in the intra-national and international intra-regional political, social and economic development of the countries of the region, and the problems generated by them. The changes are associated with a difficult transition phase, experienced by the states of the region, for the most part belonging to the post-socialist world (Bulgaria, Romania, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Kosovo and Albania). The exceptions are Greece, Turkey and Cyprus, however, these three states are also going through a difficult period in their history, associated with new problems both in interstate relations within this triangle, and in relations with NATO and the EU, as well as with Russia. The article discusses the specifics of translating the terms «people» and «national» into Russian, as well as the toponym Kosovo (Serb.) / Kosova (Alb.), and ethnonyms «Bošnjak» and «bosanac». The first part of the issue contains articles devoted to general problems of regional studies: the relationship between the terms Eastern Europe, Central Europe, South-Eastern Europe, Balkans, Western Balkans; comparative and political science subjects; the role of the European Union and China in the development of the region; the relationship of national Serbian, post-Yugoslavian and European culture and intellectual heritage as well. The second part of the issue examines the relations of the Balkan states with the states of Central and Eastern Europe (Czech Republic, Romania, Belarus), as well as the specifics of their development in the post-socialist period. Thus, there is the possibility of a multilateral - historical, political and cultural, as well as comparative analysis of the development of this complex region, which is of great importance for international relations worldwide.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document