scholarly journals Environment protection in Hungary after the change of the system in the early 1990s

Author(s):  
Imre Nadj

This study provides an overview of the condition and economic status of the environment after the political change in the early 1990s. Moreover, it gives information on the history of the nature and environment protection, as well as on the institutional structure regarding water quality protection and the change in the management and institutional structure with respect to the environment protection. The study also contains an organogram showing ministries that have changed since the 1990s. Furthermore, the organogram contains information on the structure and scope of activities of inspections and the power distribution among local and state authorities.

2009 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ciska Raventós Vorst

RESUMEN: Este artículo analiza el proceso de cambio político que se inició en Costa Rica en 1998 y que aún no concluye, ubicándolo en el contexto de la historia política de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Revisa luego las explicaciones que se han dado para el brusco quiebre en el comportamiento electoral de 1998, analiza la relación entre abstención y declive de los dos partidos tradicionales en el período 1998-2006 y se detiene a estudiar algunos rasgos del comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos en el 2006. Concluye planteando una interpretación preliminar sobre el momento político en que se encuentra el país.ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the process of ongoing political change that has taken place in Costa Rica since 1998. It is analyzed in the context of the political history of the second half of the 20th century. This article reviews the explanations of the sudden shift in electoral behaviour in 1998, analyzes the relationship between electoral abstention and the decline of the two traditional parties between 1998 and 2006, and it studies some characteristics of voting behaviour in 2006. The paper concludes with a preliminary interpretation of the current political situation.


2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 217-224
Author(s):  
Ram Krishna Tiwari

This paper deals with the political development of Nepal and its history of armed conflict. The formation of Nepali nation-state is not very long, again throughout its political history Nepal remained an independent country, but this country experienced a decade long political conflict from 1996 to 2006. The failure of political change of 1951 and 1990 prepared a political ground for the official beginning the People’s War, and after 2006 the country is moving into the path of peace process. Similarly, the formation of political parties has not a long history compared it with the beginning of democratic movement in India, China and other countries of the world. The poor political vision of the political leaders failed to institutionalize the political change of Nepal, and now the ongoing peace process of Nepal should erase all the weaknesses and conclude it for building prosperous nation.


1972 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 613-638 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian P. Potholm

A great deal has been written about the political system of the Republic of South Africa. The ethnic, linguistic and racial differences of its population, the complex and convoluted history of its political antecedents, the strength and productivity of its economy, its strategic location (both in terms of geography and transaction flows), the inequities of its social and political system, and above all, the seeming uncertainty of its future have fascinated observers of its past and present. The volume of material is impressive; however, because many of the works dealing with South Africa are highly personal or partisan in character or essentially descriptive in nature, they are generally of only marginal or transitory importance to any fundamental understanding of its political system. Moreover, there remain substantial blank spots on our cognitive map of South Africa, and many of the more critical aspects of its situation have been ignored or given the most superficial of treatments.


1991 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
David G. Abler ◽  
James S. Shortle

Growing evidence of surface-water and groundwater contamination has led to demands for federal and state water quality protection policies. Agriculture will be an important target of such policies. Numerous instances of surface-water and groundwater contamination by pesticides and fertilizers have been recorded, and one study estimates that the drinking water of 50 million people in the U.S. is potentially contaminated by agricultural chemicals (Hallberg, Nielsen and Lee).


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-378
Author(s):  
Mourad Bensaid ◽  
Salah Ziani

This paper analyses the relationship between the elites and the ruling authority in Algeria and the influence of ideology on the development of this relationship through a study of the roles undertaken by the elites from independence to today. The Algerian elites and the ruling authority participated together in building the Algerian state, after which relations between the two parties cooled, so political conditions in Algeria had to follow a trajectory similar to that of other Arab countries. This will transform the concerns of the elites, now merely political decor for legitimatizing the ruling authority within a nation-building strategy, into real agents in the political process, thereby guaranteeing political change and allowing the political map in Algeria to be redrawn. However, concerns have arisen about the distinct role and attitude of the Algerian elites towards issues of political change, especially within the scope of the so-called ‘Arab Spring revolutions’. Therefore, the stages in the process of democratic transition require careful attention to avoid any relapse that may obstruct and destroy the transition, preventing the complete metamorphosis to democracy. That is contingent on the role of the elites who are steering the transition, since they embody the popular will by granting the masses an opportunity to choose the political system that suits them. It is the elites' historical responsibility for leading this difficult stage in the history of a nation which is considering taking its fate into its own hands.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 69-80
Author(s):  
Maxim S. Tseluyko

The paper discusses the question of existence of hereditary aristocracy in the ancient Chinese state of Qin during the period of 4th – 3rd BC, as well as the question of its role in the domestic political process. The paper shows the dynamic of political change on the materials of received sources as well as on that of the paleographic texts. It also shows that the traditional perception of Shang Yang’s reforms is false. This perception is based on the sources, composed largely during the Han era, which predetermined their bias towards the history of Qin. Based on these sources the research to date usually depicts the reforms of Shang Yang as an act of dismantling the order based on hereditary aristocracy and transforming Qin into a bureaucratic state, divided uniformly into counties and commanderies. However the reality, as shown in the sources contradicts this view, as the hereditary aristocracy after the reforms of Shang Yang neither ceased to exist, nor lost the decisive grip over the political process in the state of Qin. The research shows a dependence of the power transition stability and the ability of the hereditary aristocracy to align with the monarch and also shows that the process of imperial formation put this model of stability in jeopardy. It has also become clear that the very process of reproducing conflict between the aristocratic and bureaucratic groups within Qin’s elites was driven by the changing interest of the monarch, who, in his different period of reign aimed at different goals, thus being the variable that propelled the political change within a framework of constants. This change led inevitably to the transformation of connection between the ruler and the hereditary aristocracy, the initial type of which being that of a hereditary lineage system of ties, and the final being that of an imperial state system, where the groups of hereditary aristocracy within the imperial court no longer needed to have kinship with the ruler, but played the role of agents for the local elites, influencing imperial politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-230
Author(s):  
Silvia Escanilla Huerta

Abstract This article argues that the impact of the Constitution of Cádiz among Indigenous communities in the Viceroyalty of Peru was significant. In the context of the imperial crisis of the Spanish crown, Indigenous people took the tools that the constitution granted them to increase their level of self-government. Moreover, the changes implemented by the constitution persisted after its abolition, allowing Indigenous people to retain a level of self-government otherwise impossible to conceive after Ferdinand VII restored absolutist rule. In other words, Indigenous communities held on to their jurisdictional authority and refused to surrender the political tools that the constitution had granted them. Their actions demonstrate that the constitution was a watershed moment in the history of the viceroyalty because it inaugurated an era of political change with consequences nobody could predict at the time.


1984 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-121
Author(s):  
Sharif Al Mujahid

Politics in Pakistan: The Nature and Direction of Change by Khalid BinSayeed, Praeger Publishers, New York, 1980, pp. 194, price US. $21.95.In many respects, this is a significant work-and a controversial one.In terms of the data presented, analyses attempted, insights providedand conclusions drawn, it represents long years of research andreflection. And, it is not an easy book to review.In this reviewer’s view, any discussion on this work must necessarilybegin with a flashback to the author’s background and his earlier workssince it would help put the present work in perspective. Khalid binSayeed is not only the most widely known Pakistani writer on Pakistanpolitics, but also the foremost Pakistani political scientist, havingauthored numerous papers in journals and compilations, and two majorworks-Pakistan: The Formative Phase (1960) and The Political Systemof Pakistan (1967). Being original and analytical, they achieved instantfame, acquiring, in the process, the distinction of being the most frequentlycited works on Pakistan’s historical and political development.In the first work, a political history of Indian Muslims since 1858 andof Pakistan till 1958, Sayeed interpreted Pakistan in terms of Muslimnationalism and Jinnah’s charismatic leadership, and the interplay ofpolitical forces and the course of politics in Pakistan’s early years wereexplained in terms of the “viceregal system” of undivided India. Set inthe tradition of the developmental theorists, his second worknqxploiteddextrously the idiom and formulations of the behavioralists.Now, in this third major work, Sayeed turns his back on all this andsettles for a (modified?) Marxian approach. Page two alone features fourquotes from Marx and one from the Marxist Geoffrey Kay; in particular, ...


1988 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 609-627 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Fry

On 7 December 1916 David Lloyd George became prime minister, leading the second coalition government of the war. No archival sources of significance remain to be consulted to help explain how and why the particular composition of the new government emerged. A great deal has been written on the first years of the war, from many perspectives, but a satisfactory political history of Asquith's two administrations remains to be crafted. A sustained narrative, set in the appropriate context, which relates the political significance of the issues to the drama of politics, to the way individuals lose office and governments fall, which establishes trends, and measures cumulative effects is still unwritten.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


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