scholarly journals Traveling through time: Respect and use of Virgin Mary icons in Serbian tradition and nowadays

Author(s):  
Aleksandra Pavicevic

The beginning of the process of repeated actualisation and revitalisation in Serbia coincided with the beginning of the social, economic and political crisis on the territory of the former SFRY, which took place in the beginning of 1990s.On the official political (and life) scene during the 1990s and in the first decade of the 21 century, religious symbols have been used liberally. In everyday life, casinos, brothels and new cars are consecrated, religious paraphernalia become current fashion accessories, icons are used to decorate premises of political parties, tycoons and businessmen, while images of saints entice customers from consumer goods, such as paper napkins, towels, key rings, spirits bottles, etc. Festive days, holidays, transitional and critical situations are frequently marked with mass gatherings under religious text or implications, but certainly once again using religious paraphernalia, only this time those which evoke collectivity and national unity. Thus, while in public premises it is usual to see an icon of St. Sava, the first Serbian archbishop, as well as the icon of the White Angel, a detail from the painting The myrrh-bearers on Christ's grave, at mass celebrations, but equally so at revolutionary street protest rallies (which in the capital were plentiful during the last dozen years), as well as at celebrations of town Patron Saint's days and various festivities, there appears the image of the Theotokos. Leading processional walks of the towns, it emerges as a symbol which manages to mobilise the nation with its fullness and multi-layered meaning. Political and ideological usage of Virgin Mary icons is characteristic of not only modern Serbian society. This paper also brings the review of traditional cult and respect of Virgin Mary and Her icons and their usage in secular context in previous historical periods.

2019 ◽  
Vol 99 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 387-411
Author(s):  
Margriet Hoogvliet

Abstract The textual witnesses of religious poetry produced by the late medieval confraternity of the Puy Notre-Dame in Amiens, in northern France, give an example of a type of religious text which allows us to reconstruct the interplay between the religious field and the social field of commerce and artisanal production. After discussing the practices of producing and staging religious poetry in confraternities in late medieval and early modern France as “hybrid forums”, the article discusses several examples of texts from unpublished manuscripts. It argues that the vivid imagery of the poems dedicated to the Virgin Mary allowed a mutual exchange of resources. While the members of the ordained religious gathered support and a popularized religious language, the participating laypeople could imbue their everyday work with a form of sacrality.


Author(s):  
Bogdan Ershov

This chapter examines the social contradictions and the inability of the government to solve the main political problems that led to the deep socio-political crisis of Russia in the early 20th century. This was expressed in the struggle of the workers against the autocratic police system, in the creation of radical, left-wing political parties and liberal opposition unions, in disputes within the ruling elite, and fluctuations in the government's course. All these sociopolitical contradictions and problems were aggravated in the conditions of the deep economic crisis that Russia, like all other European powers, experienced in the early 20th century. Particular attention is drawn to the fact that in the late 19th to early 20th centuries in Russia, as in other capitalist countries, monopolistic associations in industry, commerce, and transport became widespread.


2008 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 157-175
Author(s):  
Robert von Dassanowsky

Political developments between 1933 and 1934 placed Austrian cinema under more governmental control than at any time since World War I. In 1934 the new chancellor, Engelbert Dollfuss, attempted to counter a looming civil war and the growing power of the Austrian National Socialists by disbanding the embattled parliament and instituting a nonparty clerico-authoritarian corporate state, often referred to as Austrofascist. Although Dollfuss's Fatherland Front was intended to be a national unity movement above party politics, it was, in fact, led by the conservative, Catholic-oriented Christian Social Party. Subsequent laws, which outlawed all political parties, may have temporarily silenced the National Socialists, but they also alienated a substantial portion of Austria's electorate that had supported the Social Democrats.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-177
Author(s):  
Egdūnas Račius

Muslim presence in Lithuania, though already addressed from many angles, has not hitherto been approached from either the perspective of the social contract theories or of the compliance with Muslim jurisprudence. The author argues that through choice of non-Muslim Grand Duchy of Lithuania as their adopted Motherland, Muslim Tatars effectively entered into a unique (yet, from the point of Hanafi fiqh, arguably Islamically valid) social contract with the non-Muslim state and society. The article follows the development of this social contract since its inception in the fourteenth century all the way into the nation-state of Lithuania that emerged in the beginning of the twentieth century and continues until the present. The epitome of the social contract under investigation is the official granting in 1995 to Muslim Tatars of a status of one of the nine traditional faiths in Lithuania with all the ensuing political, legal and social consequences for both the Muslim minority and the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 235-246
Author(s):  
Alexey L. Beglov

The article examines the contribution of the representatives of the Samarin family to the development of the Parish issue in the Russian Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The issue of expanding the rights of the laity in the sphere of parish self-government was one of the most debated problems of Church life in that period. The public discussion was initiated by D.F. Samarin (1827-1901). He formulated the “social concept” of the parish and parish reform, based on Slavophile views on society and the Church. In the beginning of the twentieth century his eldest son F.D. Samarin who was a member of the Special Council on the development the Orthodox parish project in 1907, and as such developed the Slavophile concept of the parish. In 1915, A.D. Samarin, who took up the position of the Chief Procurator of the Most Holy Synod, tried to make his contribution to the cause of the parish reforms, but he failed to do so due to his resignation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 656-676
Author(s):  
Igor V. Omeliyanchuk

The article examines the main forms and methods of agitation and propagandistic activities of monarchic parties in Russia in the beginning of the 20th century. Among them the author singles out such ones as periodical press, publication of books, brochures and flyers, organization of manifestations, religious processions, public prayers and funeral services, sending deputations to the monarch, organization of public lectures and readings for the people, as well as various philanthropic events. Using various forms of propagandistic activities the monarchists aspired to embrace all social groups and classes of the population in order to organize all-class and all-estate political movement in support of the autocracy. While they gained certain success in promoting their ideology, the Rights, nevertheless, lost to their adversaries from the radical opposition camp, as the monarchists constrained by their conservative ideology, could not promise immediate social and political changes to the population, and that fact was excessively used by their opponents. Moreover, the ideological paradigm of the Right camp expressed in the “Orthodoxy, Autocracy, Nationality” formula no longer agreed with the social and economic realities of Russia due to modernization processes that were underway in the country from the middle of the 19th century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 464-470
Author(s):  
Kirill A. Solovyov

The article is devoted to the general patterns of political parties formation in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. They were preceded by proto-party organizations that were far from being ideologically monolithic. Under the conditions of rapid differentiation of political forces, the existing alliances were often accidental and situational. They hung on to the legacy of the pre-revolutionary era, when the public was just “learning” to talk about politics, and the boundaries between different ideological structures were quite rather relative.


wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.


2008 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zsolt Enyedi

As a result of various political and non-political developments, the socio-culturally anchored and well structured character of European party systems has come under strain. This article assesses the overall social embeddedness of modern party politics and identifies newly emerging conflict-lines. It draws attention to phenomena that do not fit into the trend of dealignment, and discusses the relationship between group-based politics and democratic representation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 505-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Wojcik

Are the social networks of legislators affected more by their political parties or their personal traits? How does the party organization influence the tendency of members to work collectively on a day-to-day basis? In this paper, I explore the determinants of the relationships of legislators in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies. I use exponential random graph models to evaluate the relative influence of personal traits versus party influence in generating legislator relationships. Despite a focus on personalism in Brazil, the analysis reveals that the effects of political parties on tie formation are roughly equal to the effects of personal traits, suggesting that networks may make political parties much more cohesive than contemporary literature would lead us to believe.


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