Jose Marti and Social Revolution in Cuba

1963 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard B. Gray

To understand the social revolution in Cuba today one must be at once anthropologist, historian, sociologist, political scientist, scientist, economist, writer, philosopher, and something of a rebel oneself. In other words, one must be a Universal Man. Who of us today, however, would pretend to such all-encompassing knowledge? The Cuban Revolution in the nineteenth century, however, did produce such a man, José Martí. Or rather, it would be more accurate to say that such a man produced the Revolution, at least in the sense that Marti was the main publicist for the revolutionary Cuban exiles, co-ordinator of the emigrant groups, money collector, and author of its major political documents.Although Marti ranks with Simón Bolívar and José de San Martín as a liberator, he is relatively unknown in the United States. Yet his collected works fill seventy-four volumes. One bibliography lists over 10,000 items, including more than a hundred books and more than 200 monographs written about him. Marti was first and last a revolutionist, but he was also a poet, one of the best, and highly praised by such authorities as Gabriela Mistral, Rubén Darío, Miguel de Unamuno, Fernando de los Ríos, Rufino Blanco Fombona, and Amado Nervo.


Author(s):  
Ilan Stavans

The Spanish language arrived in Latin America as a tool of Iberian colonization. Indigenous languages struggled to survive under the implacable presence of an imperial tongue serving not only to make all subjects part of the Spanish Empire but also, and primarily, as a mechanism to evangelize a population considered by the conquistadors, soldiers, missionaries, and entrepreneurs as barbaric. During the age of independence (1810–1910), defined by bloody armed movements, the emerging republics in Mexico, South America, and the Caribbean Basin declared their autonomy by seceding politically, economically, and legally from Spain while pushing for a vigorous nationalist agenda that shaped them as nations. Spanish was an agglutinating force toward a new collective identity, regionally and locally. Important figures like Venezuelan philologist, lexicographer, and diplomat Andrés Bello established an agenda that helped define the cultural parameters of the young republics in terms of grammar, syntax, and morphology. Followers include Rufino José Cuervo. Various aesthetic movements, such as modernismo, led by figures like Rubén Darío and José Martí, helped consolidate a transnational sense of linguistic unity. During the 20th century, the nationalist fever spread throughout Latin America, encouraging educators to establish pedagogical patterns that emphasized the uniqueness of the language within the country’s context. The effort was supported by ethnographers, anthropologists, and sociolinguists like the Cuban Fernando Ortiz and Venezuelan Ángel Rosenblat intent on finding what was local in the language. Simultaneously, each nation developed its own idiosyncratic media, which, again, allowed for verbal peculiarities to be included while also driving toward a standardized form. In this atmosphere, the Spanish language has been used as an organ of control by the state. It is also an invaluable tool through which to understand regional, national, and cultural differences. By the end of the millennium, a new phenomenon emerged, not in Latin America per se yet intimately linked to it: Spanglish. It is a hybrid tongue used by millions of immigrants in the United States, whose power is increasing as time goes by. Spanglish has the potential of reconfiguring the way the Spanish language is understood in the future.



1977 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Kirk

‘El hombre más puro de la raza’. This opinion of the Chilean poetess Gabriela Mistral sums up the general feelings of all critics and historians who have studied Martí's life: both as a Cuban patriot and as a sincere human being Martí evokes admiration from all sides. The same cannot be said, however, about his copious writings – twenty-seven volumes in the latest edition (Editorial Nacional de Cuba) — which have led to many differences of interpretation: for some he is the embodiment of Marxist philosophy, while others have shown how little his views have in common with orthodox Socialism. Within Cuba itself, political leaders as diverse in their ideals as Carlos Prío, Fulgencio Batista and Fidel Castro have all claimed to be putting into practice the philosophy of Martí.



2021 ◽  
pp. 221-248
Author(s):  
Mario Keßler

The political scientist Ossip Kurt Flechtheim (1909-1998) lived in different countries on both sides of the Atlantic: Germany, France, Switzerland, and the United States. He specialized in various fields of research: contemporary history, political science, and future studies, and he taught and wrote in several languages. Flechtheim belonged to three different parties of the left: before 1933 he was a member of the Communist Party of Germany (KPD). After his return to Berlin in 1952 he had joined the Social Democratic Party (SPD), which he then left in 1962. From 1979 until his death Flechtheim was a member of the Alternative Liste that was part of the ecological Green Party. Flechtheim’s work, which includes nearly twenty books and a great number of edited volumes, is devoted to crucial problems of the twentieth and the twenty-first century: to war and peace, democracy and dictatorship, fascism and anti-fascism, the north-south conflict, and capitalism and Communism in its various forms. The last chapter of the volume gives a biographical overview and tries to explain how Flechtheim’s life’s path between Europe and America influenced his thinking as a versatile scholar and radical socialist.



2003 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 48-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hubertus Buchstein

Reflecting on his academic exile in the United States, the Germanpolitical scientist Franz L. Neumann emphasized the cross-fertilizationof ideas as a result of the confrontation of different scientific andpolitical cultures.1 According to Neumann, the migration of hundredsof European academics to the United States led to a growinginternationalization of the social sciences and a two-way learningprocess. The Europeans became accustomed to the practice of theAmerican liberal democracy and learned to value its political culture;émigré scholars, on the other hand, brought with them a differentacademic Denkstil and contributed to a more critical self-understandingof American democratic theory.



2019 ◽  
pp. 643-660
Author(s):  
Lawrence M. Friedman

This chapter discusses changes in American law in the twentieth century. Change in the twentieth century was, in some ways less dramatic than those in the previous century; in other ways, more so. The United States now dominated large portions of the world, even when it did not actually own these far-off places. At home, the population grew enormously; according to the 2000 census, the population was just over 280 million, and by 2016, grew to something over 325 million. The main engines of revolution were social and technological. The technological revolution was, perhaps, a chief cause of the social revolution. This was the century of the automobile and the airplane, radio, the movies, and television, the computer and the internet, antibiotics and the birth control pill. Each of these great advances in science and technology eventually had a deep impact on society and on law.



Author(s):  
José María Martínez
Keyword(s):  

Este trabajo toma como punto de partida la polisemia del concepto de libertad, polisemia que se entiende primero en su formulación general y luego tal como la formularon escritores modernistas como José Martí, Rubén Darío o Amado Nervo. En el caso de Nervo esa formulación está claramente mediatizada por su orientalismo religioso y existencial, y guarda un interesante grado de analogía con la de la filosofía personalista. A través principalmente del análisis de “La conquista” y “Liberación”, dos poemas budistas de El estanque de los lotos, se llega a la conclusión de que a pesar de que la conceptualización nerviana de la libertad es quizá de las más profundas y metafísicas del modernismo, ésta acaba desembocandoen una clara contradicción, por la necesaria presencia de una voluntad operativa en el camino hacia el nirvana. En el fondo esto parece reflejar una asimilación incompleta o imposible del conjunto de las doctrinas budistas y, por ello, la conversión del orientalismo de Nervo en una pose que quiere ir más allá de sí misma, sin conseguirlo.



1961 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 566-575 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ralph K. Huitt

The growing concern of students of politics with the social structure of official bodies and the behavior expected of their members promises to make the Senate of the United States a prime target of research. Two recent books make notable contributions and suggest the trend. One is William S. White's Citadel: The Story of the U.S. Senate, an “insider's” impressions based on years of close observation; and the other is Donald R. Mathews' U.S. Senators and Their World, the work of a political scientist. One (though not the only) concern of both books is the system of norms for behavior of members of the Senate. Although reached through different routes (White's largely inferred from observed behavior, Matthews' principally from interviews) their statements of Senate norms and the way they work have much in common. The norms (or “folkways,” as Matthews calls them) are viewed as cultural “oughts” upon which there is a high degree of consensus. The members who conform most closely to the norms are, generally speaking, the most influential and effective members. This general view is almost certainly correct, as it would be for any stable human group; in this the Senate is not unique (as White sometimes seems to suggest it is) but typical.But what about the senator who does not conform? What is his place in the Senate and what happens to him there? This study will explore these questions through a case study of such a senator. But first it may be useful to try to restate the relevant parts of the analysis of White and Matthews (without holding them in any way responsible for the restatement) in terms of role theory, which will provide the conceptual framework for the analysis of the senator's experience.



2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Derek Wallace

A strong focus in political and policy circles on ‘managing’ the future – most visible during the latter half of last century in tools and techniques of central and strategic planning – was itself the outcome of an explosion of interest, dating from the beginning of that century, in the idea of establishing a science of administration. This idea was in turn related to the burgeoning throughout the 19th century of the social sciences, and of ‘governmentality’ in general (Wallerstein, 1991; Dean, 1999). In the early 1900s, Charles Merriam, a political scientist who later headed the United States National Resources Planning Board, coined a term which is emblematic of this whole development. The proper object of politics, he wrote, was no longer ‘the art of the traditional’ but ‘the science of constructive social control’ (quoted in Marini, 2001, 29). 



Author(s):  
Dorde Cuvardic García

Enrique Gómez Carrillo y Rubén Darío se erigen como los principales representantes de la flanerie en el modernismo latinoamericano. En todo caso, otros autores de este periodo estético realizaron contribuciones ocasionales a esta práctica cultural: Manuel Gutiérrez Nájera, Amado Nervo, Julián del Casal, José Martí, José Enrique Rodó, Arturo Ambrogi... Estos últimos escritores elaboran textos de la flanerie clásica: apreciación del espacio callejero como teatro social, utilización de la técnica descriptiva de la escena o cuadro, interés por los espacios comerciales o las festividades públicas? En todo caso, también nos enfrentamos a disidencias ideológicas, Así, Julián del Casal, como decadentista, asume una actitud desengañada y aristocrática frente al espacio público y su utilitarismo capitalista. Por su parte, algunas crónicas urbanas de Martí materializan la dialéctica entre la seducción que provoca el progreso norteamericano y el repudio de sus valores, opuestos al 'alma' latina



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