Expert Administrators in Popular Government

1913 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Lawrence Lowell

Presidents, governors and mayors certainly cannot be experts in all the matters with which they are called upon to deal, nor, as a rule, are they thoroughly expert in any of them; and in fact this is generally true of officers elected to administer public affairs. We cannot, therefore, avoid the question whether they do, or do not, need expert assistance if the government is to be efficiently conducted. The problem is not new, for the world struggled with it two thousand years ago. The fate of institutions has sometimes turned upon it, and so may the great experiment we are trying today—that of the permanence of democracy on a large scale. Americans pay little heed to the lessons taught by the painful experience of other lands, and Charles Sumner expressed a common sentiment when he remarked sarcastically his thankfulness that they knew no history in Washington. Our people have an horizon so limited, a knowledge of the past so small, a self-confidence so sublime, a conviction that they are altogether better than their fathers so profound, that they hardly realize the difficulty of their task. We assume unconsciously, as a witty writer has put it, that human reason began about thirty years ago; and yet a candid study of history shows that the essential qualities of human nature have not changed radically; that men have little more capacity or force of character than at other favored epochs. Some improvement in standards has, no doubt, taken place, and certainly the bounds of human sympathy have widened vastly; but there has been no such transformation as to justify a confidence that the men of the present day can accomplish easily and without sacrifice what to earlier generations was unattainable.

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúúl Beníítez Manaut ◽  
Andrew Selee ◽  
Cynthia J. Arnson

Mexico's democratic transition has helped reduce, if not eliminate, the threat of renewed armed conflict in Chiapas. However, absent more active measures from the government and the Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) to seek a permanent peace agreement and come to terms with the legacies of the past, the conflict will linger on in an unstable déétente, which we term ““armed peace.”” While this situation is far better than the open hostilities of the past, it also belies the promise of a fully democratic society in which all citizens are equally included in the political process. La transicióón democráática en Mééxico ha contribuido a reducir, si no eliminar, la posibilidad de que el conflicto armado en Chiapas se reanude. Sin embargo, sin esfuerzos mas activos por parte del gobierno y del Ejéército Zapatista de Liberacióón Nacional (EZLN) para buscar un acuerdo de paz permanente y saldar cuentas con el pasado, el conflicto permaneceráá en un estado inestable que llamamos ““paz armada””. Aunque esta situacióón es mucho mejor que las tensiones y agresiones del pasado, no cumple los requisitos de una sociedad plenamente democráática en que todos los ciudadanos participan en condiciones de igualdad en el proceso políítico.


AERA Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 233285841988889 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph R. Cimpian ◽  
Jennifer D. Timmer

Although numerous survey-based studies have found that students who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or questioning (LGBQ) have elevated risk for many negative academic, disciplinary, psychological, and health outcomes, the validity of the types of data on which these results rest have come under increased scrutiny. Over the past several years, a variety of data-validity screening techniques have been used in attempts to scrub data sets of “mischievous responders,” youth who systematically provide extreme and untrue responses to outcome items and who tend to falsely report being LGBQ. We conducted a preregistered replication of Cimpian et al. with the 2017 Youth Risk Behavior Survey to (1) estimate new LGBQ-heterosexual disparities on 20 outcomes; (2) test a broader, mechanistic theory relating mischievousness effects with a feature of items (i.e., item response-option extremity); and (3) compare four techniques used to address mischievous responders. Our results are consistent with Cimpian et al.’s findings that potentially mischievous responders inflate LGBQ-heterosexual disparities, do so more among boys than girls, and affect outcomes differentially. For example, we find that removing students suspected of being mischievous responders can cut male LGBQ-heterosexual disparities in half overall and can completely or mostly eliminate disparities in outcomes including fighting at school, driving drunk, and using cocaine, heroin, and ecstasy. Methodologically, we find that some methods are better than others at addressing the issue of data integrity, with boosted regressions coupled with data removal leading to potentially very large decreases in the estimates of LGBQ-heterosexual disparities, but regression adjustment having almost no effect. While the empirical focus of this article is on LGBQ youth, the issues discussed are relevant to research on other minority groups and youth generally, and speak to survey development, methodology, and the robustness and transparency of research.


1989 ◽  
Vol 64 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1199-1205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leonard A. Jason ◽  
Jennifer Schade ◽  
Louise Furo ◽  
Arne Reichler ◽  
Clifford Brickman

A survey was conducted to assess people's time orientation or where they spend most of their thinking time: past, present or future. 100 women were also asked about their expectations for the quality of life in 20 co 30 yr. and about the odds of a large-scale nuclear war within 30 yr. Respondents thought almost twice as much about the present and future as the past. They rated the quality of life in 20 to 30 yr. as being the same as or slightly better than now. A nuclear war within 30 yr. was considered possible; religious orientation had a strong effect. No significant relationship was found between time orientation and future expectations.


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (6) ◽  
pp. 38-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Montes Cató ◽  
Patricia Ventrici

Despite the persecution of labor leaders and activists during the dictatorship of the 1970s and 1980s and the co-optation of the union leadership in the 1990s, in the past few years Argentine labor unions have regained some of the leadership role they lost when they became strategic allies of the government, moderating their wage demands and supporting the government in disputes with other strong social actors. The new landscape created by Néstor Kirchner’s taking office in 2003 provided a favorable context for a revitalization of unions grounded in principles of union democracy. The experience of the subway workers of Buenos Aires, which is paradigmatic for the depth of the changes in internal practices, their persistence over time, and the strong connection between the form of organization and the results achieved, contributes to an understanding of this revitalization. The involvement of members in formulating and implementing policies produces a program more representative of their demands and allows them to acquire experience, skills, knowledge, self-confidence, and a feeling of solidarity that make their organizations stronger for the struggle with capital. Thus union democracy is not an obstacle to but a prerequisite for increasing union power.


1986 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 789-807
Author(s):  
Muhammad Hussain Malik ◽  
Aftab Ahmad Cheema

Despite the recognition of the importance of small-scale industry, the Government of Pakistan's industrial policy has been biased in the past towards the large-scale manufacturing sector. The First Five Year Plan (1955-60) document states the significance of small-scale industry in the following words. Small industry has specific contributions to make to economic development. In the first place, it can contribute to the output of needed goods without requiring the organization of large new enterprises or the use of much foreign exchange to finance the import of new equipment. Secondly, it can provide opportunities for employment beyond the narrow boundaries of urban centres. Finally, as history shows, it can perform an important function in promoting growth, providing training ground for management and labour, and spreading industrial knowledge over wide areas [8, p. 471] .


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 75-83
Author(s):  
Viktória Jakab

The ever-increasing pace of development, experienced in all aspects of life, has become a major factor of our times. Public administration is no exception to this tendency. I have chosen the government windows (and other miscellaneous administrative bodies operating alongside them) established in the past five years as the topic of my study exactly because of this – their development is expected to remain unbroken in the future as well. During my research, I paid special attention to past and current legal changes, aiming to provide a comprehensive view on the establishment, operation, and evolution of the integrated administration points in Hungary. My study also covers the current state and the expected developments of domestic e-Administration solutions. Finally, I also offer some conclusions and recommendations regarding the large-scale deployment of the planned single-window administrative system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-224
Author(s):  
Jinchuan Shi ◽  
Ye Jianliang

Purpose In the past 70 years since the founding of the People’s Republic of China, China’s economic studies have been constantly centered on major issues such as national modernization, social economic development and the establishment, reform and improvement of socialist economic system. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach It has experienced a process of transition from the establishment of traditional Soviet’s paradigm of political economics to that of modern economics, during which drastic changes have been observed in various aspects of China’s economics, including research content, scope and methods. Findings Based on that, a discipline system of economics in line with international economics has been initially established. Currently, under the guidance of Marxism, scholars in China’s economics actively draw on the beneficial knowledge system and analytical methods from modern economics, emancipate their minds, seek truth from facts and constantly fortify confidence in the socialist path, theory, system and culture, continuously enhance the discourse power of China’s economics in global economic governance system, so as to push forward to the building of a theoretical system of socialist economics with Chinese Characteristics in the new era. Originality/value Economics is a discipline that studies resource allocation and human’s behavior of making a choice based on rationality. Emerged in the industrial revolution and developed in the exploration of a large-scale socialized mode of production and resource allocation system, this discipline has gradually become a broadly explanatory force in social sciences which profoundly affects the economic decision-making behaviors of the government and various economic entities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110649
Author(s):  
Fung Chan

In the past decade, Hong Kong has undergone various large-scale protests, such as the 2014 Occupy Central and the 2019 Anti-Extradition Protests. One of the reasons for such popular grievance was that the government could not grasp the change in public sentiment and opinion. Before the handover, although the governor held the centralized power, the colonial authorities still had ways to collect public opinions to avoid departing from the citizens’ views. The model was called the ‘administrative absorption of politics’. The Chinese authorities attempted to preserve the original advisory system to depoliticize the policy-making process after the handover. This article contributes to the understanding of the development of the cooptation system in Hong Kong and its failure in the 2010s based on the insights of legislators. It also highlights the importance of participation and salient control in the cooptation system to balance public views in a semi-authoritarian society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-134
Author(s):  
Atqo Akmal ◽  
Warto Warto ◽  
Sariyatun Sariyatun

Coconut estate is one of the vital agriculture sub-sectors in Indonesia because it has an important role in absorbing employment. In the early 20th century, Netherland Indies was one of the major copra exporters globally, and the eastern region of Nusantara contributed as the leading producer. However, in the 1930s – 1950s, the coconut-based economy's contraction phase in the eastern region had weakened the whole production. The Indonesian government tried to recover coconut estates and its economic market through several efforts, such as rehabilitating smallholder coconut estates, recovering copra trading, and starting coconut industrialization. Used historical research methods, this article described the shifting of Indonesia coconut-based economy from the past center of trade and production, in the eastern region of Indonesia, to a recent major producer and industry cluster in the Indragiri Hilir, Riau Province. In the 1980s – 1990s, the government efforts to improve coconut commodities have led to shifting the Indonesian coconut-based economy to Indragiri Hilir. Several policies issued by the government such as Smallholder Coconut Development Project, Proyek Peremajaan Rehabilitasi dan Perluasan Tanaman Ekspor (PRPTE), Nucleus Estate Smallholder (NES), Nucleus Estate Smallholder Transmigration (NES-Trans), and the local government funding, as well as the liberalization of coconut trading regulation, had stimulated rapid growth of coconut estates in Indragiri Hilir. Even though several schemes and governments attempt to develop smallholder coconut estates, the expansion rate was mostly dominated by self-funded smallholder coconut estates. During the 1980s – 1990s, the increasing demand for coconut from large-scale processing industries had attracted the smallholder to cultivate coconut.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-55
Author(s):  
Thomas Kwan-Choi Tse

Purpose This paper aims to analyse the general trend of a funding scheme of civic education over the past 30 years in terms of the number of projects and the amount of their subsidies, the targeted groups, the content of the activities and the nature of the grantees. Design/methodology/approach Using statistical data of sponsored projects over three decades and interviews with ten informants. Findings There has been a shift in the concerns and priorities of these projects. Through the incentives and by setting the themes for funding, the government has regulated the civil society’s involvement with civic education and helped to fashion the officially endorsed values. But it is no longer effective to mediate state–civil society relationship and to cope with the new political scenario. Originality/value This paper demonstrates the changing state–civic society relationship over the years with a solid large-scale database. This study advances the knowledge about public funding projects related to citizenship education in particular and sponsorship as a means of governance in general.


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