Performance and Instability in Military and Nonmilitary Regime Systems

1976 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 850-864 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. D. McKinlay ◽  
A. S. Cohan

The analysis of military regimes, as opposed to military coups, has attracted comparatively little attention. This paper examines whether the political, military, and economic performance of systems which have experienced a military regime differs from the performance of systems which have not. The comparison between the performance of these two types of system is then used to examine the validity of the occurrence of a military regime as an indicator of instability. The population consists of all independent countries of the world. The time span examined is 1961–70. The comparison is made across a number of political, military, and economic variables. The basic comparison is elaborated by introducing controls for GNP, area, number of coups, and duration of the military regime. While the controls show a number of variations, the main summary finding is that it is easy to differentiate military and non-military regime systems in political terms, but not in military and economic terms. This finding seriously questions the utility of the occurrence of a military regime as an indicator of instability.

1976 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. D. McKinlay ◽  
A. S. Cohan

The military regime has now become a common phenomenon throughout the world. Research on the military in low-income systems used to focus on the military coup rather than on the military regime, but in recent years this imbalance has lessened. Moreover, many of the old ‘standard findings’ about military regimes have come to be rejected. It is fitting that they should have been since they tended to be the products more of stereotyping and inadequate theorizing than of systematic research.


2017 ◽  
pp. 219
Author(s):  
Freddy Timmermann

El autor aborda la temática denominada “el factor Pinochet”, más allá de su presencia física directa en los espacios de poder, sino más bien como una herencia política de su régimen dictatorial, en alianzas con las élites políticas y económicas de Chile. Como se señala, pareciera ser que hemos heredado una cultura autoritaria que traspasa las fronteras temporales del período del régimen militar y se instala en una debilitada democracia actual.Palabras clave Pinochet / autoritarismo / élites / poder / políticaAbstract:The author approaches the topic denominated “Pinochet factor”, beyond his direct physical presence in the spaces of power, but rather like a political inheritance of his dictatorial regime, in alliances with the political and economic elites of Chile. As it is shown, it seemed to be that we have inherited an authoritarian culture that transfers the temporary borders of the period of the military regime and it settles in a weakened present democracy.Keywords Pinochet / authoritarianism / elites / power / politics


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 55-78
Author(s):  
Federico Battera

This article explores the differences between two North African military regimes—Egypt and Algeria—which have been selected due to the continuity of military dominance of the political systems. Still, variations have marked their political development. In particular, the Algerian army’s approach to civilian institutions changed after a civilian president was chosen in 1999. This was not the case in Egypt after the demise of the Hosni Mubarak regime of 2011. Other important variations are to be found in the way power has been distributed among the military apparatuses themselves. In the case of Egypt, a principle of collegiality has been generally preserved within a body, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which is absent in the case of Algeria, where conflicts between military opposed factions are more likely to arise in case of crisis. How differences generally impact the stability of military rule in these two cases is the main contribution of this paper.


2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (3/4) ◽  
pp. 496-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karin Dean

In Myanmar, one of the longest ruling military regimes in the world (1962—2011) exerting unrestrained coercion and relying on a pervasive security apparatus, has accepted a constitution and competitive elections. The military directed concatenation of developments but especially the Constitution that legalizes a unique power-sharing arrangement between the military and the elected government, contribute to the exceptionalism but also continuing coercion of Myanmar’s military, even under the democratically elected popular government of former democracy icons Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy. Holding that a key step in a democratic transition must involve the scaling down of state coercive apparatus, the article demonstrates how this has not been the case in Myanmar. The size, expenditure and revenues of the armed forces have been maintained, the surveillance for political and social control continues, while the spread of mobile communication devices, and particularly social media, has opened up more extensive and easier opportunities for monitoring. Subjugating the practices of surveillance to laws is not prioritized in the complex political context of multiple pressing issues.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (III) ◽  
pp. 68-77
Author(s):  
Bakhtiar Khan ◽  
Hassan Shah ◽  
Iltaf Khan

The problem with Pakistan's democracy is not that only political institutions are weak but the interference of non-elected forces has also done havoc with it. Apart from the high handedness of civilian bureaucracy the unswerving military adventurism disrepute the political process of the country. The entry of military into the corridors of powers hit hard the final nail into the coffin of democratization in Pakistan. General Zia tactfully maneuvered his plan cashed the extreme polarization political parties proved yet another great hurdle to the survival democratic system. The paper analyzes the decade long unrest caused by the military regime of Gen. Zia. The paper also shed light on how abruptly military managed to gain superior position in the politics of the country. The immaturity that demonstrated by political setup is also the concern of this endeavor. Qualitative approach has been adopted to satisfy the puzzling queries pointed out above.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (21) ◽  
pp. 103-128
Author(s):  
Gilberto Hochman

Este artigo aborda o programa de erradicação da varíola no Brasil (1966-1973), para analisar o fim de doenças e epidemias em contextos locais. O foco recai sobre os antecedentes de um marco específico e crucial desse processo: o anúncio oficial de seu desaparecimento em agosto de 1973 em pleno regime militar. O objetivo do artigo é compreender como as dimensões políticas, científicas e sanitárias se entrecruzaram na pouca repercussão de uma conquista da saúde pública que mobilizou recursos, governos, população e organizações internacionais. O artigo, baseado em fontes primárias e secundárias, está dividido em quatro partes. A primeira discute as questões gerais relativas ao fim de epidemias e desaparecimento de doenças em contextos locais. A segunda apresenta a dinâmica política e sanitária e as características da campanha de erradicação da varíola entre 1966 e 1980, em suas faces internacional e nacional. A terceira discute os desafios, as desconfianças e as incertezas que envolveram a determinação de que a varíola estava eliminada no Brasil do regime militar entre os anos de 1970 e 1973. Na conclusão, retoma-se a questão do término de epidemias e doenças em contextos históricos e nacionais à luz da erradicação da varíola.Palavras-chave: varíola, governo militar, saúde pública, doença, epidemias. ***This article discusses the smallpox eradication program in Brazil (1966-1973) to analyze the end of diseases and epidemics in local contexts. The focus is on the background of a specific and crucial milestone in this process: the official announcement of its disappearance in August 1973 in the midst of the military regime. The objective of the article is to understand how the political, scientific and health dimensions intertwined in the little repercussion of a public health achievement that mobilized resources, governments, populations, and international organizations. The article, based on primary and secondary sources, is divided into four parts. The first discusses general issues related to the end of epidemics and the disappearance of diseases in local contexts. The second presents the political and health dynamics, and the smallpox eradication campaign’s characteristics between 1966 and 1980, in its international and national aspects. The third discusses the challenges, suspicions, and uncertainties that involved the determination that smallpox was eliminated in Brazil, during the military regime, between 1970 and 1973. In the conclusion, ending epidemics and diseases in historical and national contexts is taken up in the light of the eradication of smallpox.Keywords: smallpox, military government, public health, diseases, epidemics.


2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 25-31
Author(s):  
Mobina Mehsood ◽  
Fawad Khan ◽  
Raza Ullah Shah

The political history of Pakistan is divided into two phases: military regimes and political/civilian governments. The military ruled over Pakistan more than half and civilian governments remained in power less than half of its entire history. This paper studies and examines the function of the judiciary and effect of executive on independence of the superior courts during civilian governments in Pakistan from 1947 till 2009. Violation of judiciary independence of through executive are examined under several domains like its undue role in judicial appointments and removal; its undue influence during the case proceedings and decisions; the abuse of judicial proceedings due to political considerations.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Denise Costa Lopes

A long trip (2012), by Lúcia Murat, turns the screen into a postcard, video art, live cinema, installation, photo album, letter, map ... It works as a register of an era as ‘transcinema’. The film mixes past and present, reality and fiction, to recount the steps of Heitor, the filmmaker’s brother, who was sent abroad in 1969 by the family in fear that he would follow Lúcia’s footsteps in the armed struggle. It’s updates the cinematographic devices and turns the viewer into a co-author. Filled with hybrids, it enlarges the possibilities of the ‘cinema form’, expanding it. Digital features allow for a strong ‘between-the-images’, uniting projections of differents supports, temporalities, spatialities and cultures.The nine years when Lúcia and Heitor were apart _ when he took two trips around the world, while she was trying to survive under the oppression of the military regime _ function also as a way to highlights the memories of an obscure period in Brazil. It creates a paradoxical and synaesthetic immersion at the 70’s, where “getting lost seemed to be the only way to find oneself”. Under the effect of an ‘endless eye’, it generates a powerful ‘trompe l’oeil’ that broadens horizons. ‘Infinite lucarne’ lead the viewer to fill in the gaps in a psychedelic kaleidoscope and to experience the film as an observer who atones for this generation’s deeds. The goal of this work is to analyze these constructions and identify how this language helps promote immersion in the film, which works with memory.


Author(s):  
Franciel José Ganancini

Resumo: Este artigo aborda uma parte da história política do Brasil, situando o período compreendido entre os governos de Getúlio Vargas, a partir de 1930, e o golpe civil-militar de 1964. O referido período esteve marcado por profundas mudanças econômicas, políticas e culturais, seja no Brasil, seja no restante do mundo. No artigo abordaremos a ascensão de Getúlio Vargas, o seu relacionamento com os militares, bem como o fortalecimento das Forças Armadas e sua atuação na política brasileira do século XX. Palavras-chave: Getúlio Vargas. Forças Armadas. Golpe de 1964. FROM A CIVIL DICTATOR TO MILITARY DICTATORS Abstract: This article discusses some of the political history of Brazil, closing the period between Getulio Vargas’s governments, in 1930, and civil-military coup in 1964. This period was marked by deep economic, political and cultural changes, both in Brazil and in the world. In this article we discuss the rise of Getulio Vargas’s government, his relationship with the military, as well as the strengthening of the armed forces and its role in the twentieth century Brazilian politics. Keywords: Getúlio Vargas. Military Forces. Coup of 1964.


2018 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 27-51
Author(s):  
Paulo Fontes ◽  
Larissa R. Corrêa

AbstractThis article analyzes recent Brazilian scholarship on workers and trade unions during the military dictatorship (1964–1985), emphasizing the relative absence of studies and the neglect of worker organization. By focusing on working-class agency and the dilemmas the labor movement faced due to the regime's economic policies and fierce repression, this essay offers a better understanding of the political scenario after 1964. The second part of the article examines the themes of the most recent studies about workers and the labor movement during the military regime, emphasizing existing blind spots and future challenges for scholarship.


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