The Political Attitudes of German Business

1956 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel A. Almond

The surface indices of political life in Germany suggest that that nation has embarked upon a moderate pro-European and pro-Western course, and that political extremism and nationalism have no significant appeal at the present time. Thus the elections of 1953 produced an overwhelming majority for the “moderate” parties. Neither the Communist Party nor specifically neo-Nazi formations attained significant votes or representation in the Bundestag in the election of that year. On the whole, the statements made by governmental, political, and interest group leaders have been cautious and responsible. Occasional manifestations of neo-Nazism have been local and limited in character. There is no evidence to suggest that such tendencies have widespread organized support either aboveground or underground.

1999 ◽  
Vol 89 (3) ◽  
pp. 501-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gene M Grossman ◽  
Elhanan Helpman

Endorsements are a simple language for communication between interest-group leaders and group members. The members, who share policy concerns, may not perfectly understand where their interests lie on certain issues. If their leaders cannot fully explain the issues, they can convey some information by endorsing a candidate or party. When interest groups endorse legislative contenders, the candidates may compete for backing. Policies may favor special interests at the expense of the general public. We examine the conditions under which parties compete for endorsements, the extent to which policy outcomes are skewed, and the normative properties of the political equilibria. (JEL D72)


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (55) ◽  
pp. 323-340
Author(s):  
Adam Kądziela

The article is the key to understanding the political attitudes and n of young Poles in the year in of elections to the European Parliament, as well as to the Polish Parliament took place. The goal defined in such a way determined the choice of research method and technique in the spirit of the neopositivist paradigm, i.e. quantitative research. A nationwide survey conducted on September 5–23, 2019 allowed to determine socio-political preferences and attitudes of young Poles in 2019. The results showed a picture of a passive social group with unspecified views, having a negative opinion on political life and not interested in political life


2021 ◽  
pp. 418-427
Author(s):  
Igor V. Kuryshev ◽  
◽  
Andrey A. Lyubimov ◽  

The article uses previously unstudied reports of the Ishim district OGPU department to describe social and political attitudes of various groups of peasantry in the palmy days of the New Economic Policy (1925–27). The study is to consider the influence of social rural stratification on peasants’ mindsets and the relationship between the authorities and the peasantry; to assess the political resources of the Ishim peasantry through the lens of the OGPU reports; and to show the intransigence in social interests of the rural poor and the kulaks. The authors assess political moods of peasant population as a whole and those of particular social groups: poor, middle peasants, and kulaks. Political moods of the peasantry differentiated with respect to the following criteria: attitude to the Soviet government and various groups and strata, attitude to agricultural tax, attitude to religion, and church, and also according to the degree of political consciousness. On the basis of this analysis, we put forward an idea of multidirectional, heterogeneous participation of peasant population in the political life of the second half of the 1920s and of its significant social differentiation. In general, in the rural areas, the Soviet government was unequivocally supported by the poor, who were to some degree influenced by the kulaks. The middle peasants were characterized by their changing attitude; they symptomatically juxtaposed Soviet government and communists. The rich peasants took an extremely negative position to the Soviet government and tried to exert pressure on the local authorities (i.e. village soviets). However, discontent with the New Economic Policy encompassed all strata of the peasantry. Persistent confrontation between peasants fighting each other in the Ishim anti-communist peasant uprising of 1921 did not weaken for quite a long time. In conclusion, it is noted that protests, social deviations, and negative stance on the New Economic Policy gradually intensified in the political behavior of the Ishim district peasantry. The OGPU reports are a representative source that permits to reconstruct the social and political attitudes of the Ishim region peasantry.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Ali Arslan ◽  
Gülten Arslan

The major objective of this study is to examine and discuss the Presidential System in Turkey and the transformative influence of the migration on the political attitudes and behaviour of the individuals. Mersin is one of the most important city of the Mediterranean Region of Turkey and takes migration from the most part of the Turkey. Mersin city center selected as the sampling group. Mersin is a metropolitan city of Turkey It has been taking huge migration especially from the East and the South East Anatolian regions. The proportion of migrants has been reached about seventy per cent of the population of Mersin city. According to the Official data of TSI of 2018, about 1.793.931 people were living in the 2017 in the province of Mersin.Multiple research techniques are used to realise the aim. Main data were gathered from the field. A rather comprehensive field research with more than 1000 individuals were realised about Presidential System in Mersin city center in 2017. Observation, historical and documentary research techniques were used too.Developments in the fields of science, technology and especially information technology have led to profound changes in social, cultural, economic and political life. All this happened in Turkey's political structure and system has made it mandatory changes and transformations. Consequently Turkey left the parliamentary system of government that ruled for nearly a century, it has decided to pass the presidential system of government in 2018.Findings reveal that this transition process gives different responses to different segments of the society. Similar situation is observed in Mersin province. Relatively, those living in more homogeneous rural areas support this system change at a higher rate; living in urban areas that have been heavily immigrated have been in much lower levels of support for this process. Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file.  ÖzetBu çalışmada, Türkiye’de Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi ve Türkiye’nin bu sisteme geçiş sürecinde göçün, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışları üzerindeki etkisi incelendi. Araştırma da örneklem olarak Mersin şehir merkezi seçildi. Doğu Akdeniz Havzası’nın en önemli yerleşim birimlerinden biri olan Mersin’de, 2018 yılı TÜİK ADNKS verilerine göre, 2017 yılı itibarıyla 1.793.931 kişi yaşamaktadır. İl nüfusunun 898.557’sini kadınlar, 895.374’ünü de erkekler oluşturmaktadır. Mersin, son yıllarda aldığı yoğun göç ile dikkat çeken bir metropol kent konumundadır. Özellikle Doğu Anadolu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu bölgelerinden yoğun göç alan Mersin’in kent merkezinde göç ile gelenlerin oranı yüzde 70’leri bulmuştur.Çalışmada çoklu araştırma teknikleri kullanıldı. Araştırmada temel veri kaynağı olarak 2017 yılında Mersin’de, yaklaşık 1000 kişi ile bireylerin Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemine yönelik beklenti, tutum ve davranışlarını ortaya koymak maksadıyla gerçekleştirilen saha araştırmasından elde edilen verilerden yararlanıldı. Buna ilaveten çalışmada, gözlem ve tarihsel doküman araştırması tekniklerinden de faydalanıldı.Bilim, teknoloji ve özellikle de bilişim teknolojileri alanında yaşanan gelişmeler toplumsal, kültürel, ekonomik ve siyasal hayatta son derece önemli değişimlere sebep olmuştur. Bütün bu yaşananlar, Türkiye’nin siyasal yapı ve sisteminde de değişim ve dönüşümleri zorunlu hale getirmiştir. Bunların neticesinde Türkiye, 2018 yılında, yaklaşık bir asırdır yönetildiği parlamenter hükümet sistemi bırakıp, Cumhurbaşkanlığı hükümet sistemine geçme kararı almıştır.Bulgular, bu geçiş sürecine toplumun farklık kesimleri, farklı tepkiler verdiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Mersin ili özelinde de benzer durum gözlemlenir. Göreceli olarak, daha homojen özellik arz eden kırsal kesimler de yaşayanlar bu sistem değişikliğini daha yüksek oranda desteklerken; yoğun göç almış kentsel alanlarda yaşayanların bu sürece desteği çok daha düşük seviyelerde olmuştur.


2017 ◽  
pp. 7-15
Author(s):  
Evgeny Astakhov

In the period post Franco were created more favorable conditions for left parties, first of all for Communist party. However, «eurocommunists» leadership of the Communist party of Spain (KPI) led her to a deep crisis. The creation in January 1984 of the new Communist party of the people of Spain (PCPE), despite the difficulties of institutional development, the complicated financial situation, lack of personnel, became a significant factor in the national political field. After many years of political and ideological disarmament of the left forces in Spain appeared a party, acting with genuine class positions. At the same time, PCPE played the role of catalyst of processes oriented to shift to the left axis of the political life of the country. However, the current situation in the Spanish communist movement, the whole objective situation in Spain dictated the need for the unification of the communists. That goal was answered by the creation of a left electoral coalition «United left».


Author(s):  
Natalia Lubińska

A short history of the Mao Zedong cult – selected elements involved in the maintenance of the political legend of the Great Helmsman in China The annual celebration of various anniversaries related to the history of the Chinese Communist Party and its leaders regularly recalls the controversial theme of the heritage of communism and the legacy of Mao Zedong in China. On many of these occasions, the question of the need for “Father of the Nation” worship in the Middle Kingdom arises. One answer is to preserve the memory of the President and his achievements in order to make the younger generation aware of how long the party founders had to travel on the long road to make China an international power again. This article presents selected elements of social and political life in China associated with important party anniversaries that are used to uphold the legend of Mao Zedong in his homeland. The character of the ceremony that is discussed relates to the anniversary of Mao’s birth, the commemoration of his leadership in the ideology of political and business leaders, and Mao’s legacy in terms of tourism. The interest of the Chairman in collecting artifacts and in film was also discussed. This article is the second part of a two-part article dedicated to the leader.


Slavic Review ◽  
1992 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 674-690 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terry D. Clark

The March 1990 elections to republican and local Soviets in the USSR resulted in the transfer of power from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) to the nascent democratic movement in a number of republics and localities. Among these was the Moscow City Soviet (Mossoviet). Of the 472 people's deputies elected to the Mossoviet, the clear majority were elected under the umbrella of the political bloc Democratic Russia. Running on a platform calling for the rejection of continued CPSU control of political life in the Soviet Union and Moscow, Democratic Russia's candidates won decisively in a majority of the electoral districts.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document