scholarly journals Preferencje polityczne młodych Polaków w 2019 roku

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (55) ◽  
pp. 323-340
Author(s):  
Adam Kądziela
Keyword(s):  
Social Group ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Quantitative Research ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Nationwide Survey ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Negative Opinion ◽  
Political Preferences

The article is the key to understanding the political attitudes and n of young Poles in the year in of elections to the European Parliament, as well as to the Polish Parliament took place. The goal defined in such a way determined the choice of research method and technique in the spirit of the neopositivist paradigm, i.e. quantitative research. A nationwide survey conducted on September 5–23, 2019 allowed to determine socio-political preferences and attitudes of young Poles in 2019. The results showed a picture of a passive social group with unspecified views, having a negative opinion on political life and not interested in political life

scholarly journals Petani dan Politik: Studi Preferensi Politik Petani Ijen Bondowoso

Simulacra ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Rony Zamzam Firdaus ◽  
Hary Yuswadi ◽  
Raudlatul Jannah
Keyword(s):  
Land Tenure ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Political System ◽  
Rural Politics ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Affiliation ◽  
Plant Seeds ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Peasant Community

<p><em>This study aims to explain about political preferences and the peasant community, especially in the Curah Macan, Kalianyar Village, Ijen District, Bondowoso Regency East Java. Most of them are Horticulture farmers who use Plantation and Perhutani land. Ijen’s Farmers are often produced cabbage and potatoes. When these two crops have been harvested, it sold to the market, eaten for daily necessities, and there are also some crops that are dried in the sun and reprocessed into new seeds. This research focuses on the peasant and politics which included political affiliation and land tenure in the countryside. The historical impact of land tenure on citizens has an effect on rural political change. Land tenure and subsequent policies such as land leasing, marketing, distribution of plant seeds are related to the political system that occurs in the bulk Macan hamlet and the political life of the community. For this reason, the study uses Robert W. Hefner’s theory of Tengger. It explains farmers and rural politics. The research method is qualitative research methods. </em></p>

scholarly journals Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) dalam Menjawab Tantangan Multikultural di Indonesia : Studi Kasus Papua

POLITEA ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Nevy Rusmarina Dewi ◽  
Ahmad Sholahuddin
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Role Model ◽  
Large Mass ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Open Policy ◽  
Islamic Parties

<p class="06IsiAbstrak"><span lang="EN-US">Partai kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB)  is one of the Islamic parties which has a fairly large mass in Indonesia. Its existence in Indonesia is very important to unite the multicultural nation of Indonesia. During Gus Dur's leadership, PKB opened many discourses on the issue of multiculturalism so that many people made PKB a role model in multicultural life. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method using literature study sources in the form of books, websites, articles and newspapers. One case that shows the attitude of PKB is multicultural is the Papua Conflict case. Recent cases have become very important issues for the sustainability of politics and governance in Indonesia. PKB gave a statement in overcoming this conflict, that the Indonesian government immediately resolve the issue. Multicultural open policy has become part of PKB in the political arena in Indonesia. In this article, we will discuss how PKB attitudes in political life in Indonesia, especially regarding attitudes in conflict in Papua.</span></p>

scholarly journals Sources on Social and Political Moods of Peasants of the Ishim District of the Ural Region in 1925?27: Materials of the District OGPU Department Reports

2021 ◽  
pp. 418-427
Author(s):  
Igor V. Kuryshev ◽  
◽  
Andrey A. Lyubimov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Economic Policy ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Rich

The article uses previously unstudied reports of the Ishim district OGPU department to describe social and political attitudes of various groups of peasantry in the palmy days of the New Economic Policy (1925–27). The study is to consider the influence of social rural stratification on peasants’ mindsets and the relationship between the authorities and the peasantry; to assess the political resources of the Ishim peasantry through the lens of the OGPU reports; and to show the intransigence in social interests of the rural poor and the kulaks. The authors assess political moods of peasant population as a whole and those of particular social groups: poor, middle peasants, and kulaks. Political moods of the peasantry differentiated with respect to the following criteria: attitude to the Soviet government and various groups and strata, attitude to agricultural tax, attitude to religion, and church, and also according to the degree of political consciousness. On the basis of this analysis, we put forward an idea of multidirectional, heterogeneous participation of peasant population in the political life of the second half of the 1920s and of its significant social differentiation. In general, in the rural areas, the Soviet government was unequivocally supported by the poor, who were to some degree influenced by the kulaks. The middle peasants were characterized by their changing attitude; they symptomatically juxtaposed Soviet government and communists. The rich peasants took an extremely negative position to the Soviet government and tried to exert pressure on the local authorities (i.e. village soviets). However, discontent with the New Economic Policy encompassed all strata of the peasantry. Persistent confrontation between peasants fighting each other in the Ishim anti-communist peasant uprising of 1921 did not weaken for quite a long time. In conclusion, it is noted that protests, social deviations, and negative stance on the New Economic Policy gradually intensified in the political behavior of the Ishim district peasantry. The OGPU reports are a representative source that permits to reconstruct the social and political attitudes of the Ishim region peasantry.

scholarly journals The Ukrainian context of the 2019 election campaigns in Poland by the European Parliament and the Sejm and Senate

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 88-100
Author(s):  
Vasyl GULAY ◽  
Vira MAKSYMETS
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Political Life ◽  
National Minority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Republic

The authors assume that the results of the 2019 elections in Poland to the European Parliament and the Sejm and the Senate influence not only the transformation of the country's party system and its socio-political development in the coming years, but also the place and importance of Poland's interstate relations with Ukraine in general and specific problems of large-scale Ukrainian labor migration to Poland in particular. The completion of the elections to the European Parliament of the 9th cadence actually gave rise to the election campaign to the Sejm and Senate of the Xth convocation. The predominant practice of most political parties has been to provide candidates of Ukrainian descent or immigrants from Ukraine (despite even a minimal number of them against the background of the Ukrainian national minority and newly naturalized citizens of the Republic of Poland) for the most part, starting places in the relevant regional party lists. Despite the noticeable growth of broad Ukrainian subjects since the fall of 2013, first in Polish foreign and then domestic politics, this has not, however, been reflected in a corresponding quantitative and qualitative conversion following the 2019 elections to the European Parliament and the Sejm and Senate of the Republic of Poland. The 2019 elections, among other things, draw attention not only to the place and role of the Ukrainian national minority in the political life of Poland, but also to indicate the political participation of Polish citizens from among the new migrants of the 1990s – 2010s, in view of the growing the extent of naturalization as Polish citizens of our country of origin, and the differences between different socially active environments of Polish citizens of Ukrainian descent. Internal processes among politically active Ukrainians in Poland who have the right to vote allow us to speak of a departure from the prevailing sympathies with the Civic Platform over the decades in favor of new left-wing political projects. Keywords Poland, election campaign, European Parliament, Sejm, Senate, Ukrainian context.

scholarly journals Presidential system in Turkey and the influence of the migration on the political attitudes and behaviour of the individuals: Mersin case studyTürkiye’de Cumhurbaşkanlığı hükümet sistemi temelinde göçün bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışları üzerindeki etkisi: Mersin örneği

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Ali Arslan ◽  
Gülten Arslan
Keyword(s):  
Rural Areas ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
English Summary ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
City Center ◽  
Cultural Economic ◽  
Research Techniques ◽  
Presidential System

The major objective of this study is to examine and discuss the Presidential System in Turkey and the transformative influence of the migration on the political attitudes and behaviour of the individuals. Mersin is one of the most important city of the Mediterranean Region of Turkey and takes migration from the most part of the Turkey. Mersin city center selected as the sampling group. Mersin is a metropolitan city of Turkey It has been taking huge migration especially from the East and the South East Anatolian regions. The proportion of migrants has been reached about seventy per cent of the population of Mersin city. According to the Official data of TSI of 2018, about 1.793.931 people were living in the 2017 in the province of Mersin.Multiple research techniques are used to realise the aim. Main data were gathered from the field. A rather comprehensive field research with more than 1000 individuals were realised about Presidential System in Mersin city center in 2017. Observation, historical and documentary research techniques were used too.Developments in the fields of science, technology and especially information technology have led to profound changes in social, cultural, economic and political life. All this happened in Turkey's political structure and system has made it mandatory changes and transformations. Consequently Turkey left the parliamentary system of government that ruled for nearly a century, it has decided to pass the presidential system of government in 2018.Findings reveal that this transition process gives different responses to different segments of the society. Similar situation is observed in Mersin province. Relatively, those living in more homogeneous rural areas support this system change at a higher rate; living in urban areas that have been heavily immigrated have been in much lower levels of support for this process. Extended English summary is in the end of Full Text PDF (TURKISH) file.  ÖzetBu çalışmada, Türkiye’de Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemi ve Türkiye’nin bu sisteme geçiş sürecinde göçün, bireylerin siyasi tutum ve davranışları üzerindeki etkisi incelendi. Araştırma da örneklem olarak Mersin şehir merkezi seçildi. Doğu Akdeniz Havzası’nın en önemli yerleşim birimlerinden biri olan Mersin’de, 2018 yılı TÜİK ADNKS verilerine göre, 2017 yılı itibarıyla 1.793.931 kişi yaşamaktadır. İl nüfusunun 898.557’sini kadınlar, 895.374’ünü de erkekler oluşturmaktadır. Mersin, son yıllarda aldığı yoğun göç ile dikkat çeken bir metropol kent konumundadır. Özellikle Doğu Anadolu ve Güneydoğu Anadolu bölgelerinden yoğun göç alan Mersin’in kent merkezinde göç ile gelenlerin oranı yüzde 70’leri bulmuştur.Çalışmada çoklu araştırma teknikleri kullanıldı. Araştırmada temel veri kaynağı olarak 2017 yılında Mersin’de, yaklaşık 1000 kişi ile bireylerin Cumhurbaşkanlığı Hükümet Sistemine yönelik beklenti, tutum ve davranışlarını ortaya koymak maksadıyla gerçekleştirilen saha araştırmasından elde edilen verilerden yararlanıldı. Buna ilaveten çalışmada, gözlem ve tarihsel doküman araştırması tekniklerinden de faydalanıldı.Bilim, teknoloji ve özellikle de bilişim teknolojileri alanında yaşanan gelişmeler toplumsal, kültürel, ekonomik ve siyasal hayatta son derece önemli değişimlere sebep olmuştur. Bütün bu yaşananlar, Türkiye’nin siyasal yapı ve sisteminde de değişim ve dönüşümleri zorunlu hale getirmiştir. Bunların neticesinde Türkiye, 2018 yılında, yaklaşık bir asırdır yönetildiği parlamenter hükümet sistemi bırakıp, Cumhurbaşkanlığı hükümet sistemine geçme kararı almıştır.Bulgular, bu geçiş sürecine toplumun farklık kesimleri, farklı tepkiler verdiğini ortaya koymaktadır. Mersin ili özelinde de benzer durum gözlemlenir. Göreceli olarak, daha homojen özellik arz eden kırsal kesimler de yaşayanlar bu sistem değişikliğini daha yüksek oranda desteklerken; yoğun göç almış kentsel alanlarda yaşayanların bu sürece desteği çok daha düşük seviyelerde olmuştur.

ITALIAN WOMEN IN FRONT OF THE BALLOT BOX (ON THE POLITICAL PREFERENCES OF THE FEMALE ELECTORATE)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 81-85
Author(s):  
ELENA MASLOVA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Electoral Behavior ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Main Trend ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Main Factors ◽  
Italian Women

The paper focuses on the political preferences of the female electorate in the Italian Republic. In particular, the main factors that affect the electoral behavior of women are considered, data on gender preference are given in the last parliamentary elections of 2018 and European 2019. The author concludes that the main trend - the low involvement of women in the political life of the country has remained since the First Republic. Given this, the female electorate represents an unrealized resource that can be used by political forces and Italian parties in the struggle for voter votes.

Sikap Politik Urban Melayu

Sains Insani ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Mohd Azmir Mohd Nizah ◽  
Muhammad Shamshinor Abdul Azzis ◽  
Afi Roshezry Abu Bakar ◽  
Hairol Anuar Mak Din
Keyword(s):  
Rural Communities ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
Quantitative Research ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Political Attitude ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Tolerance ◽  
Voting Behaviour

Comparative study on political attitudes between urban and rural communities has become a focus among scholars, especially after the results of 13th Malaysian general election. Nevertheless, studies on political attitude which focused on specific ethnic groups are still insufficient. This article aims to identify the political attitude of the urban Malays, especially in the context of political tolerance. This study discusses the political attitudes of urban Malays through quantitative research design which used questionnaire in three urban areas, namely, Johor Bahru, Shah Alam and Bukit Bendera. The findings summarized that Malay voters in urban areas are tolerant of political party’s differences and even an ethnicity is not a primary criteria of nominations in the elections. This study argues that urban Malays tend to tolerant of ethnic, religious or even liberal political party. Further analysis and recommendations are discussed.Keyword: ethnic tolerance, political tolerance, voting behaviour, modernization Abstrak: Kajian perbandingan mengenai sikap politik antara masyarakat urban dan luar bandar telah menjadi fokus dalam kalangan sarjana, terutama selepas keputusan pilihan raya umum ke 13.Namun begitu, literasi kajian mengenai sikap politik yang tertumpu pada etnik yang spesifik masih lagi kurang. Artikel ini berhasrat mengenalpasti sikap politik urban Melayu, terutamanya dalam konteks toleransi politik. Kajian ini membincangkan mengenai sikap politik urban Melayu melalui rekabentuk kajian kuantitatif dengan instrumen soalselidik di tiga kawasan urban iaitu Johor Bahru, Shah Alam dan Bukit Bendera. Dapatan kajian merumuskan bahawa pengundi Melayu di kawasan urban terbuka dalam menerima perbezaan parti politik malah ukuran etnik bukanlah kriteria terhadap pencalonan dalam pilihan raya. Kajian ini menghujahkan kecenderungan pola sokongan parti politik kumpulan urban Melayu juga bersifat longgar dengan melepasi sempadan parti bersifat agama, etnik mahupun liberal. Analisa lanjut dan cadangan dibincangkan dalam artikel ini.Kata kunci: toleransi etnik, toleransi politik, kelakuan pengundi, modenisasi

The European Parliament: the Significance of Direct Election

1971 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 462-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Steed
Keyword(s):  
European Community ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Future Event ◽  
Member States ◽  
Direct Election ◽  
Political Forces

THE POSSIBILITY THAT THE PARLIAMENT OF THE ENLARGED EUROPEAN Community may, wholly or in part, be elected directly within the next few years must excite both advocates of European unification and students of that curious political phenomenon, the European Community. The event is still exceedingly problematical; no attempt is made here to assess just how much so. But the demand for direct election, and specific proposals to that end, have been actual for just over a decade and are worth analysing both as they relate to the possible future event and as they relate to other known factors – the existing state of organized political forces in Western Europe and the role of elections in the political life of member-states.

The Political Attitudes of German Business

1956 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriel A. Almond
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Interest Group ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Overwhelming Majority ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Group Leaders ◽  
Political Extremism

The surface indices of political life in Germany suggest that that nation has embarked upon a moderate pro-European and pro-Western course, and that political extremism and nationalism have no significant appeal at the present time. Thus the elections of 1953 produced an overwhelming majority for the “moderate” parties. Neither the Communist Party nor specifically neo-Nazi formations attained significant votes or representation in the Bundestag in the election of that year. On the whole, the statements made by governmental, political, and interest group leaders have been cautious and responsible. Occasional manifestations of neo-Nazism have been local and limited in character. There is no evidence to suggest that such tendencies have widespread organized support either aboveground or underground.

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