scholarly journals Issues Management of Islamic Political Parties to Election Campaign in 2019

Author(s):  
Wuri Arenggoasih

In accordance with Article 29 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia recognizes the religion and protects the freedom of the people in carrying out its religious teachings. Indonesia is a plural country because of the diversity of beliefs and the beliefs held by the community. But because of this diversity, Indonesia has a sensitivity especially associated with religious issues. In the last two years, the establishment of the negative issues about Islam has been increasing. Consequently, Islam is cornered in Indonesia. This situation is feared to be able to further exacerbate the potential for votes for the Islamic parties in the 2019 election. Therefore, the concept of issues management of Chase W. Howard model is used in this study to answer how the management of the Islamic party issues is to face the 2019 Election. The research method used is the qualitative descriptive approach in the interpretive paradigm with the design of case study research. The results of the research show that the Islamic party has exceeded all elements on the issues management of Chase model. These elements become the step of the Islamic party against the issues of Islam and exist in the democratic system, especially for the 2019 election without reducing the sense of peace in Indonesia.

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 81
Author(s):  
Jantje Tjiptabudy

District head's elections as implementation realization of sovereignty of the people undertaken in democratic system, for sure, shall subject to principles and concept of district head's elections. KPUD and Regional Bawaslu as the district head's elections organizers are obliged to execute professional and quality district head's elections based on the 4 (four) conceptual elements of district head's elections as follows: (1) as a means of sovereignty of the people, (2) it is conducted in a direct, general, free and secret as well as honest and fair manner, (3) it is conducted in Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, and (4) it is based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.   Implementation of district head's elections, in reality, is full of various violations, especially for the number of votes obtained by foul manner such as vote distension. This condition is obviously seen by the people showing that KPUD and Regional Bawaslu are not capable in performing their duties as the agency of district head's elections. Definitely, it affects quality of district head's elections or legitimation of the elected district head. In fact, lots of factors affect professionalism of KPUD and Regional Bawaslu such as capability of human resources, low alimony rate compared to their responsibility load, and also integrity of KPUD and Regional Bawaslu. Other factor which has escaped attention is morality of the members of KPUD and Regional Bawaslu.


1991 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-157
Author(s):  
José Murilo de Carvalho

The celebration of the centennial of the Brazilian Republic (1889-1989) was marked by a few events of academic or civic nature and no enthusiasm whatsoever. It has been observed that the bicentennial of the French Revolution aroused more interest in the people of Brazil. The reasons for this are not difficult to understand. Two seem to have particular relevance. First, is the recent memory of a military regime (1964-1985) in the minds of the people. The proclamation of the Republic on 15 November 1889 is generally held to be the making of the Brazilian military; it would be somewhat embarrassing to celebrate the actions of yesterday's enemies.The second reason relates to the disappointment felt among the populace with the New Republic—the name given to the civilian government inaugurated in 1985. The New Republic rode in on the crest of huge mass demonstrations, the most impressive ever to take place in the country. These people called for the end of military rule and the direct election of a civilian president. In 1985 a civilian president took over, although not chosen by direct election, and a constituent assembly drafted a new constitution. Freedom of the press was restored and the people lived in great hope that a new era had finally dawned for the nation. Four years later, in 1989, a new constitution was in effect, and the fundamental precepts of a democratic system—the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary branches of government; a free press; multiple political parties; and a politicized populace—were all in place.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 48
Author(s):  
Noeranisa Adhadianty Gunawan ◽  
Nunung Nurwati ◽  
Bintarsih Sekarningrum

This study aims to analyze gender roles in childcare of families in Jawa-Jawa Ethnic, Jawa-Sunda Ethnic, and SundaSunda Etnic. Javanese-Javanese Ethnic and Sundanese-Sundanese Ethnic family as the main study that will show a mixture of values, culture, and behavior in Javanese-Sundanese Ethnic families. The study uses qualitative descriptive to approach with the case study research techniques. Data collection was obtained through observation, interviews, research studies and documentation studies. The results of the study shows that the differences gender roles in childcare of the Javanese-Javanese ethnic families, the Sundanese-Sundanese ethnic families, and the JavaneseSundanese ethnic families caused by habits, the way of life, and values are still embraced by each family. Based on the culture of its respective ethnicity The role of gender in the family is functioning but there is also a dysfunction where one of the roles are not practiced by men or women in parenting. Thus, it is, although the two ethnicities have coexisted for decades, the people still see differences in childcare caused by the application of the values in each family. 


2021 ◽  
pp. 64-70
Author(s):  
Rini Pelo ◽  
Linda. A. O Tanor ◽  
Tinneke Evie Meggy Sumual

Pajak merupakan kontribusi wajib kepada Negara yang termasuk utang oleh orang pribadi atau organisasi yang bersifat memaksa berdasarkan Undang-Undang, dengan tidak menghasilkan imbalan yang nyata dan dipakai sebagai keperluan Negara sebesar-besarnya untuk menyejahterakan kemakmuran rakyat dengan Undang-Undang Ketentuan Umum dan Tata Cara Perpajakan Nomor 28 Tahun 2007 (UU KUP No. 28 TAHUN 2007). Usaha mikro adalah usaha yang berjalan dan dimiliki oleh badan usaha maupun perorangan pribadi dengan memenuhi syarat dalam Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 20 Tahun 2008. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui persepsi wajib pajak Usaha Mikro Kecil Menengah (UMKM) terhadap Peraturan Pemerintah (PP) Nomor 23 Tahun 2018 Kabupaten Kepulauan Sangihe. Metode penelitian ini adalah jenis penelitian deskriptif kualitatif yaitu penelitian yang dilakukan untuk mendapatkan informasi terhadap objek yang diteliti berdasarkan pada situasi. Sumber Informasi dalam penelitian ini adalah beberapa Wajib Pajak yang memiliki Usaha Mikro Kecil Menengah (UMKM) Khususnya warung-warung yang ada di Pasar Kampung Kulur II sebanyak 5 narasumber atau informan. Berdasarkan hasil ini diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa pelaku usaha yang menjadi informan penelitian kurang memiliki sedikit pengetahuan tentang pajak.   Kata Kunci : Persepsi, UMKM, Peraturan Pemerintah   ABSTRACT Taxes are mandatory contributions to the State which are included in debts by private persons or organizations that are compelling based on the law, without producing tangible rewards and are used as a large amount of the State's need for the welfare of the people with the Law on General Provisions and Tax Procedures Number 28 of the year. 2007 (UU KUP No. 28 of 2007). A micro business is a business that runs and is owned by business entities and private individuals by fulfilling the requirements in the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 20 of 2008. This study aims to determine the perception of taxpayers of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) against Government Regulation (PP) Number 23. In 2018 Sangihe Islands Regency. This research method is a type of qualitative descriptive research, namely research conducted to obtain information on the object under study based on the situation. Sources of information in this study are several taxpayers who have Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs), especially 5 food stalls in Kampung Kulur II Market. Based on these results, it can be concluded that business actors who are research informants do not have a little knowledge about taxes.   Key Words : Persepetion, UMKM, Development Rules  


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-295
Author(s):  
Muh. Ainun Najib

State and power are two things that cannot be separated from one another. Substantially, both have the main purpose of creating prosperity for the people. In fact, the Indonesia's democratic system seems to be imperfect. Therefore, it needs to have reorientation and revitalization of the concept in its implementation. The thought of Muhammad Ainun Najib (Cak Nun), in this context, is an alternative offer, such as; first, there is a distinction between state institutions and government institutions, between the head of state and the head of government, for the sake of creating political stability and the administration of the good governance; second, the criteria of a leader need to have scientific quality that is not only knowing issues of the personal and group interests, but also understanding in detail about the life of the regions; third, Indonesia should have five national pillars such as people, Indonesian National Army (TNI), intellectuals, customs and culture, as well as spiritual powers. Those five pillars are supposed to support the upright and the solid state of the Republic of Indonesia.


Author(s):  
L.S. Protosavitska

Examining the liberal-democratic values ​​of the Polish Сonstitution of 1921, the author clarified the conditions under which the Polish state was formed in 1918. In general, the paper examines all sections of the constitution of March 17, 1921, carried out an article-by-article analysis of the basic law of the Polish state. Polish statehood was restored as a result of geopolitical changes following the First World War, including the victory of the Entente. Based on the guarantees contained in Woodrow Wilson's program, the Poles restored the Polish state. The Polish state in the postwar period faced a large number of political, social, economic and psychological problems that stood in the way of land integration and overcoming the gap with Western European states. It was found that the Constitution of March 17, 1921, in contrast to previous constitutional acts, established a clear division of power into legislative, executive and judicial, proclaimed the rights and freedoms of citizens. The Constitution stated that the supreme power in the republic belongs to the people. Both houses of parliament - the Seimas and the Senate - were not equal under the 1921 Constitution. Constitutional powers enabled parliament to revise and amend the constitution. It is noted that the executive power belonged to the President together with the relevant ministers. As for the judiciary, it belonged to independent courts. The constitution guaranteed broad rights to its citizens, as well as clearly defining the range of responsibilities that everyone had to perform properly. Thus, on the basis of the analysis conducted by the author, it was found that the Polish state adopted the model of the democratic system of France, and in terms of legislative activity also Weimar Germany. The Constitution of Poland incorporates such values ​​as citizenship and responsibility of the citizen, constitutionalism, freedom of speech, human dignity, honor and tolerance, freedom of conscience and justice, social order and equality.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-213
Author(s):  
Lili Romli

The Islamic political parties in the Reform era grew up exceeding the period of Parliamentary Democracy. In the electoral competition during the Reform era, Islamic political parties did not receive adequate votes. The votes won by Islamic parties tend to go down from election to election. There are several factors that have caused the Islamic party to fail to win the support of Muslim votes. First, Islamic parties are fragmented and internal conflict. Second, Muslim voters do a change in ideological orientation which no chooses an Islamic party but a nationalist party. Third, nationalist parties accommodate Muslim aspirations by forming Islamic organizations. Fourth, the crisis of leadership of the Islamic party. Fifth, the absence of a real party program. To improve the electoral, Islamic parties must concern on programs to improve people's welfare, democratization, eradicate corruption, and realize social justice. The leader of Islamic parties must be exemplary, visionary, integrity, and rooted in the community.


Author(s):  
Thomas B. Pepinsky ◽  
R. William Liddle ◽  
Saiful Mujani

Islamic political parties and social organizations have capitalized upon economic grievances to win popular support. But existing research has been unable to disentangle the role of Islamic party ideology from programmatic economic appeals and social services in explaining these parties’ popular support. This chapter demonstrates that Islamic party platforms function as informational shortcuts to Muslim voters, and confer a political advantage only when voters are uncertain about parties’ economic policies. Using experiments embedded in an original nationwide survey in Indonesia, we find that Islamic parties are systematically more popular than otherwise identical non-Islamic parties only under cases of economic policy uncertainty. This relationship is driven by the most pious Muslims. When respondents know economic policy platforms, Islamic parties never have an advantage over non-Islamic parties, regardless of how pious they are. Islam’s political advantage is real, but circumscribed by parties’ economic platforms and voters’ knowledge of them.


Author(s):  
Nasrullah Muhammad Nur

The discussion on the role of Islamic political parties in Muslim-majority countries is a hot conversation not only among the political elite but also in the lower society. Is a political party based on Islam is right to fight for the rights of Muslims or just a mere mask behind the Religion alias in the name of Islam in order to achieve certain goals? This article highlights the issue of how the role of Islamic political parties or the participation of Islamic parties in building the welfare of the people mandated to them especially when they are in power. How can an Islamic party gain a vote, take the sympathy of society when many of the people who are in doubt about the labeling of Islam in the party.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Pujiningtyas Pujiningtyas

Joko Widodo as the elected president delivered his political speech following the judgement of The Constitutional Court of Indonesia regarding the lawsuit of the election of the president and vice president of the Republic of Indonesia for the 2019-2024 period. In the judgement, the Constitutional Court of Indonesia affirmed to reject the lawsuit and decided Joko Widodo and Ma’ruf Amin as the elected President and Vice President of the Republic of Indonesia. Thus, such political speech cannot be considered as independent. In his speech, Joko Widodo conveyed statement and ideology through language. Therefore, Joko Widodo’s speech was analyzed using the Huckin model for critical discourse analysis approach which was carried out using qualitative descriptive methods. The data source was Joko Widodo’s speech after the judgement of the Constitutional Court of Indonesia broadcasted nationwide. The analysis was carried out to look for genre, framing, foregrounding or backgrounding, presuppositions, and differences in topics, as well as analysis of sentences and words. The result shows that Joko Widodo used straightforward and explicit language and was presented in an argumentative and persuasive manner. The delivering of the speech used the language relations and power so that the ideology conveyed and was accepted by the people of Indonesia.AbstrakJoko Widodo sebagai presiden terpilih menyampaikan pidato politiknya usaiMahkamah Konstitusi memutuskan gugatan perkara hasil pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden Republik Indonesia periode 2019--2024. Dalam putusan itu, Mahkamah Konstitusi menegaskan menolak gugatan yang diajukan oleh Tim Pemenangan Prabowo Subianto dan Sandiaga S. Uno dan memutuskan Joko Widodo dan Ma’ruf Amin sebagai Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia terpilih. Berkenaan dengan itu, pidato politik itu tidak dapat dipandang berdiri sendiri. Joko Widodo dalam pidatonya menyampaikan pernyataan dan ideologi melalui bahasa. Oleh karena itu, pidato Joko Widodo dianalisis dengan pendekatan analisiswacana kritis model Huckin. Analisis dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif deskriptif. Sumber data dalam penelitian adalah pidato Joko Widodo usai putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi yang disiarkan secara nasional oleh media massa. Analisis dilakukan untuk melihat genre, framing, foregrounding atau backgrounding, praanggapan, dan perbedaan topik, serta analisis kalimat dan kata. Temuan menunjukkan bahwa Joko Widodo menggunakan bahasa lugas dan eksplisit dan disampaikan secara argumentatif dan persuasif. Penyampaian itu menggunakan relasi bahasa dan kekuasaan sehingga ideologi yang disampaikan dapat diterima secara positif oleh rakyat Indonesia.


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