Archaeological Investigations on the Northern Shore of the Black Sea in the Territory of the Soviet Union, 1965-70

1971 ◽  
pp. 48
Author(s):  
K. S. Gorbunova
Author(s):  
George Gotsiridze

The work, on the one hand, highlights the mission of Europe, as an importer of knowledge, which has for centuries been the center of gravity for the whole world, and, on the other hand, the role of the Black Sea Region, as an important part of the Great Silk Road, which had also for a long time been promoting the process of rap-prochement and exchange of cultural values between East and West peoples, until it became the ‘inner lake’ of the Ottoman Empire, and today it reverts the function of rapproching and connecting civilizations. The article shows the importance of the Black Sea countries in maintaining overall European stability and in this context the role of historical science. On the backdrop of the ideological confrontation between Georgian historians being inside and outside the Iron Curtain, which began with the foundation of the Soviet Union, the research sheds light on the merit of the Georgian scholars-in-exile for both popularization of the Georgian culture and science in Eu-rope and for importing advanced (European) scientific knowledge to Georgia. Ex-change of knowledge in science and culture between the Black Sea region and Europe will enrich and complete each other through impact and each of them will have unique, inimitative features.


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 79-84
Author(s):  
OLEG V. Donetsk National University ◽  

Basing on a constructivist approach to international relations and foreign policy, the author has defined the conceptual content of the script, in which the experts of the Ukrainian National Institute for Strategic Studies imagine Crimea and the Black Sea region. The study was carried out on the basis of the materials of the Institute's analytical reports to the messages of the President to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in 2014-2018. It was found that the ideas about Crimea contained in them are extremely mythologized: in the political picture of the world of the Institute's experts, the peninsula is considered as a “Russian bridgehead”, a source of “military threat" and an "occupied territory". Ukrainian experts are convinced that the motives of Russia's foreign and defense policy in the Black Sea direction are allegedly due to its desire for "expansion", "imperial policy" and the desire to "restore the Soviet Union." They perceive the reunification of Crimea with Russia as an event that led to a cardinal transformation of the geopolitical space of the Black Sea region that contradicts Ukrainian national interests. At the same time, on rational grounds, the institute is actively searching for conceptual approaches to organizing a new regional security system and creating a long-term, broad and durable alliance of anti-Russian forces, which could act as a NATO parallel structure in the Black Sea region in the future. Moreover, Ukrainian experts do not have any own geopolitical project or idea on this. They are considering several options for regional coalitions at once, paying special attention to the Polish concept of "Intermarium", which consists in creating a block of Baltic-Black Sea states.


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 125-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Gary Knight

On July 18, 1976, the Soviet naval vessel, Kiev, transited the Turkish Straits from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean, with Turkish consent. Questions have been raised concerning the international legality of this transit, and in light of earlier reaction to an alleged violation by the Soviet Union of the rules on the passage of submarines through the Turkish Straits it seems appropriate to examine the facts and the governing law.


1968 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. Mitrofanov

The problem of collision-avoidance at sea by means of radar is constantly under discussion in maritime circles within the U.S.S.R. This paper, and that of Captain Bukhanovski (Journal, 20, 247,), describe one direction of research that has been actively pursued in the Soviet Union.The device described was developed by the Central Scientific Research Institute for Water Transport for the Ministry of Merchant Marine and sea trials were carried out in the Black Sea during the summer of 1962. The present paper describes the principles of the device and the performance during trials. It has been prepared for publication in the Journal in collaboration with Captain G. Shoomayko.Articles on the prototype have appeared in Morskoi Flot (no. 122, 1959, no. 2, 1964), Die Seewarte (Hamburg, October 1961) and Navigation (Paris, July 1962).


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-18
Author(s):  
Tomasz Stępniewski

The geopolitical rivalry and the clash of interests between the superpowers have been present in the Black Sea region for centuries. During the Cold War when the East-West divide was at its height, the Black Sea was “excluded” from geopolitical competition between the superpowers as it became the domain of mainly one player – the Soviet Union. The dismantling of the Pax Sovietica and the subsequent collapse of the Cold War gave rise to a new geopolitical situation in the Black Sea region. The former USSR was superseded by the Russian Federation and other political entities independent from Russia, yet having strong bonds with the region both in terms of geography and their political and cultural interests. These were new states like Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan, but also former Soviet satellite states such as Bulgaria and Romania. In other words, the collapse of the USSR entailed the emergence of a new system of geopolitical power in the post-Soviet space.


Author(s):  
Valenina Mordvinceva ◽  
Sabine Reinhold

This chapter surveys the Iron Age in the region extending from the western Black Sea to the North Caucasus. As in many parts of Europe, this was the first period in which written sources named peoples, places, and historical events. The Black Sea saw Greek colonization from the seventh century BC and its northern shore later became the homeland of the important Bosporan kingdom. For a long time, researchers sought to identify tribes named by authors such as Herodotus by archaeological means, but this ethno-deterministic perspective has come under critique. Publication of important new data from across the region now permits us to draw a more coherent picture of successive cultures and of interactions between different parts of this vast area, shedding new light both on local histories and on the role ‘The East’ played in the history of Iron Age Europe.


Author(s):  
Stephen V. Bittner

Whites and Reds: A History of Wine in the Lands of Tsar and Commissar tells the story of Russia’s encounter with viniculture and winemaking. Rooted in the early-seventeenth century, embraced by Peter the Great, and then magnified many times over by the annexation of the indigenous wine economies and cultures of Georgia, Crimea, and Moldova in the late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth centuries, viniculture and winemaking became an important indicator of Russia’s place at the European table. While the Russian Revolution in 1917 left many of the empire’s vineyards and wineries in ruins, it did not alter the political and cultural meanings attached to wine. Stalin himself embraced champagne as part of the good life of socialism, and the Soviet Union became a winemaking superpower in its own right, trailing only Spain, Italy, and France in the volume of its production. Whites and Reds illuminates the ideas, controversies, political alliances, technologies, business practices, international networks, and, of course, the growers, vintners, connoisseurs, and consumers who shaped the history of wine in the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union over more than two centuries. Because wine was domesticated by virtue of imperialism, its history reveals many of the instabilities and peculiarities of the Russian and Soviet empires. Over two centuries, the production and consumption patterns of peripheral territories near the Black Sea and in the Caucasus became a hallmark of Russian and Soviet civilizational identity and cultural refinement. Wine in Russia was always more than something to drink.


1996 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 235-245

Hans Lissmann overcame extraordinary difficulties to become one of the pioneers of experiments on animal locomotion and the discoverer of the electric sense of fishes. The Russian Empire He was born on 30 April 1909 at Nikolayev, a Black Sea port near Odessa. Most of what we know of his early life comes from two typewritten memoirs, written in 1944 when he was interned. He was the younger of the two sons of German parents, Robert Lissmann, an exporter of grain, and his wife Ebba. A photograph taken in 1913 or 1914 shows a prosperous family formally posed with the boys dressed immaculately and impractically, entirely in white. Until Hans was five the family lived in Nikolayev and in Novorossiysk, another port on the northern shore of the Black Sea. He spoke Russian with his parents and French with his grandparents. Then, after the outbreak of the First World War in 1914, the family was sent to Kargala, a village near Orenburg on the edge of the Urals, 1100 miles north-east of Nikolayev. There they were interned as aliens among a population of Tartars, Bashkirs and Kirghis. Hans learned some Tartar, and was also taught German. Drawings that he made there show a village of log buildings inhabited by men in turbans, and a rider on a Bactrian camel. Their mother taught the boys arithmetic and languages, and arranged for them to be introduced to biology by an interned zoologist and a botanist who took them into the surrounding countryside on summer afternoons. She supported the family by teaching in the village school when her husband was arrested and taken away for several months. The Russian Revolution came, and Kargala was captured and recaptured several times by the Reds and Whites.


Author(s):  
M. S. Monakov

In the scientific literature on the Yalta conference of leaders of the three powers of the coalition there are no studies that reveal its naval aspects. Meanwhile, among the issues that had significance for the Soviet delegation, they held even if not the first priority, but were quite prominent. In the Russian historiography attention to these matters appeared only in the early 1990s, most likely because the Soviet side in negotiations had a negative impact on the formation of the post-war world order. Contemporary Russian historians are in line with the tradition, a feature of which was a lack of attention to the maritime policy of the Soviet Union, especially in the 1921 - 1955. It is clear, however, that projects of this scale, which required the mobilization of all resources of the Soviet state, creation of the most advanced shipbuilding and entirely new industries for the country and high-tech industries, could not arise in a vacuum. Behind this processes were certain political goals, and when the war began Stalin stopped work on the first "big shipbuilding program" though it did not mean that he refused them. This hypothesis is based and presented in this article.


Author(s):  
Ali Satan ◽  
Meral Balcı

In 1947, a British diplomat conducted a visit to the places travelled rarely by local and foreign travelers, The Black Sea Coast between Samsun and Giresun in the North, the Malatya-Erzincan train line in the South, the Sivas-Erzurum train route in the West, Erzincan-Şebinkarahisar- Giresun in the East, and reported what he saw to London. In secret report, there provided military, political, ethnographic and historical information. In rapidly changing life conditions in the world, this secret report, which was written seventy years ago, set us on a historical journey. In the year, which the secret report was written, Turkey preferred being part of Western bloc in newly established bipolar international system and British diplomats were trying to understand how Britain and the Soviet Union were looked at in the regions they visited. In the secret report, there were also striking observations regarding the activities of the newly formed opposition party (Democratic Party) in Anatolia, the distance between the Turkish elites and the Anatolian villagers, and the military-civilian relationship in Anatolia.


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