LINGUOPRAGMATIC PARAMETERS OF THE OWN - ALIEN OPPOSITION IN THE CONTEMPORARY DISCOURSE OF RUSSIAN NATIONALISM (ON THE MATERIAL OF E.KHOLMOGOROV’S TEXTS)

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (98) ◽  
pp. 38-54
Author(s):  
ELENA M. IVANOVA

The article examines the representation issues regarding the basic opposition of the political discourse OWN - ALIEN in the discursive practices of modern Russian nationalism, gives a general description of the opposition OWN - ALIEN in the space of political communication, presents linguistic and pragmatic parameters of this opposition in the texts byEgorKholmogorov.

Author(s):  
I. V. Smirnova

Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector) as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse) is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain).


Author(s):  
Natalya Bozhenkova ◽  
Tamara Kalichkina ◽  
Aleksandra Panteleeva

The article examines the mechanisms of organizing verbal constructs that manifest the linguopragmatic structure of texts in modern Russian political communication. A special class of figurative means of political language stands out – tropofigures. Tropofigures include irony and parcelling, which are characterized, on the one hand, by formal-semantic ambivalence and, on the other hand, by an apparent idiostylistic touch. The proposed methodological framework of the study aimed at the identification and systematic characterization of the categorical features of these synergetic linguistic signs, facilitated the description of the ways of their exemplification in political interactions. The authors established that the tropofigures of irony and parcelling ornamentally form the antinomy of the identity / non-identity of the sign and the object (semasiological discrepancy between the logical and grammatical organization of the syntagma). The tropofigures not only organize the expressive-pragmatic center of political discursive practice but also fulfill the function of a verbal marker of the cognitive mechanisms of text formation, which allow the participant to present their communicative goal setting in a certain way. The authors emphasized that the tropofigures of irony and parcelling are transformed from means of enhancing expressiveness into markers of the idiomental process and set a different social perception. The results of the linguistic rhetorical research indicate new mechanisms of convergence / divergence of semantic constructs in various political interactions and, as a result, linguocultural "reaccentuation" of sign-symbolic and axiological constituents of the political institution in the modern Russian-speaking space.


Author(s):  
Olena Ilienko ◽  
Liudmyla Shumeiko

The rapid spread of Internet communication nowadays has changed the conditions under which political communication takes place, although its purpose remains the same – influence for the sake of power. The article analyzes and summarizes the directions and trends in the study of political discourse, which is the context of political utterance, utterance itself and its perception. It is noted that the Internet has proved to be a new effective way of informing, persuading, arguing and manipulating the mass consciousness, accelerating the process of providing information and changing its format, including for manipulative purposes. It is revealed that the Internet has formed new genres and forms of political communication, providing an opportunity to get feedback from the political message and creating the appearance of direct communication between politicians and the public. The study of political discourse by researchers today is multi-vector: in a purely linguistic direction (the language of political statements); in linguistic and pragmatic direction (how the functions of political discourse are realized); anthropocentric (political personality); sociolinguistic (society’s reaction to the political activities of the subjects) and others. As the field of politics is constantly changing, responding to global, socio-political, economic circumstances, its analysis, including by linguists, provides and will always provide new material for further research.


Diksi ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anang Santoso

The grammar of the Indonesian language is greatly made use of inpolitical discourse and especially after the era of the Old Order. Via grammaticalforms, the political elite fights for its power and ideology, both explicitly andimplicitly, causing an unbalanced political communication. A research study thisarticle is about was conducted to (1) describe and interpret the utilization ofgrammaticality in political discourse and (2) clarify why certain grammaticalforms are paid special attention while others are not.The study applied a critical qualitative approach with a “critical discourseanalysis” design from Fairclough (1989: 1995). In this perspective, no textproduced by the political elite is neutral from political interest. Discourse is asocial construction and results from social-historical and political conditions.There is no discourse which is a social vacuum. Discourse is a social creationreflecting the interests of certain social groups.The research results indicate that (1) each group of the Indonesianpolitical elite uses transitivity with material meaning, agent nominalization, thepassive voice, and the negative form to show its power and hide its ideologicalposition, (2) each assumes the role of information provider, shows its authority inthe presence of the other groups and the Indonesian society, and asserts its powerby choosing to use the personal pronouns we and I, (3) it makes considerable use ofmodality expressing authority, and (4) there are institutional and cultural processesexplaining why certain grammatical forms are paid special attention while othersare not.Keywords: grammaticality, political discourse


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1-2 (12)) ◽  
pp. 88-95
Author(s):  
Ruzanna Arustamyan

The article is devoted to the description of gender peculiarities in political discourse. The differences of male and female speeches aim to determine the degree of effectiveness of the impact of gendered approaches in political communication on male and female audiences. We may observe obvious differences between male and female speeches. It is conditioned by biological differences and social roles and stereotypes fixed in the society. Sometimes female politicians tend to imitate male speech behavior in order to defend their positions and the right to participate in the political life of their country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-53
Author(s):  
Mihail Beznosov ◽  
A. Golikov

The article examines the practice of discursive construction of the image of the Soviet (including the Soviet person) in the discourse of modern Russian sociology. As a specific empirical case, the authors choose the texts of the Levada Center (hereinafter - LC), which are analyzed using critical discourse analysis in N. Fairklough's variations, based on the study of mythologemes and discourse of the Soviet based on the developments of R. Barthes and P. Bourdieu. The discourse of the Soviet (man) is analyzed as a discourse of implicitly liberal sociology, which, while denying explicit ideology, reproduces non-scientific (in particular, mythological, ideological, worldview) structures. It is emphasized that such an implicit ideological and worldview bias, not necessarily defined as an intentional orientation, has a significant impact on both the programming of research and the objectivity of their results, and the discursive practices of their description and interpretation. Typical practices and structures of the discoursivization of the image of the Soviet (man) in the texts of the LC are presented and analyzed. A special emphasis is made on the political connotations of the nominations, discourses and denotations proposed by the authors of the LC texts. A conclusion is formulated about the limitations of the objectivity of the political and discursive representation of the image of the Soviet (person) in modern (in particular, liberal) sociology on the example of LC texts.


2019 ◽  
pp. 75-81
Author(s):  
A. Demkina

The article considers the effectiveness of the Spanish party Podemos discourse from the standpoint of cognitive science and pragmalinguistics. It argues that inconsistency in the development of discourse as well as communicative failures tend to play a significant role in promoting or degrading political communication and, as a result, affect the dynamics of electoral support.Given the thesis of linguo-pragmatists that the source of communicative failure can be both the communicant himself and the circumstances of the communicative act, the author carries out a discourse analysis of the rhetoric of the Podemos leaders in a chronological framework - 2014-2019, focusing not only on the evolution of pragmalinguistic practices, but also on the pragmatic context of communicative events.Having ascertained the high media dependence of the Podemos discourse and its performative nature, it has been revealed that the repeated nature of “performative misfires” or communicative failures leads to disruption of the discourse sequence, a decrease in its effectiveness, and even erosion of the communicator’s discursive identity.It seems that if the aggressive communication tactics of “media scandals” are likely to bring politicians popularity at the starting stage, then voters subsequently expect logic and consistency from their representatives, and the discontinuity and incomprehensible change of the discursive framework for the audience may lead to uncontrolled consequences for the addresser. It is recorded that the decline in Podemos’s electoral support in the general and municipal elections in Spain in 2019 may refer to large media scandals around the party’s activities, which have been triggered by violations of discursive logic.


Author(s):  
Elya Davtyan

The concept of “gender” is one of the most discussed, criticized and speculated concepts in recent years, which is of interest from different perspectives - cultural, sociological, political, linguistic, psychological, etc. Gender obtains a unique manifestation in the political discourse. The analysis of speech of female and male politicians enables to identify the peculiarities of gender approaches in the political communication. There are obvious differences in the speech of men and women. They are conditioned by social and biological roles as well as stereotypes. In our work, we have analyzed the debates and speech of some key figures in American, French, and Armenian politics based on gender features. The contextual analysis used throughout the studies determines whether the speech has gender-specific peculiarities and what linguistic devices in the speech make it possible to speak, for example, whether the speech is mild or coarse, tolerant or intolerant.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-159
Author(s):  
Nihar Amoncar

Purpose The paper intends to explore the role and function of citizen-led social media forums in the marketing of political discourse. Using the entrepreneurial marketing (EM) perspective of “co-creation of value”, this paper aims to explore the manner in which consumers of political communications in a specific region have created user generated value via setting up Facebook forums to manage the risk created by fake news and the trust deficit between citizens and mainstream media (MSM). Design/methodology/approach The paper adopts a “netnographic” approach to investigation and the data is analysed manual coding (Kozinets, 2015). Facebook groups form the virtual research field in in the context of this study. This approach is adopted because in a social media environment, netnography capitalises over a growing virtual and online communities and allows researchers to study the richness of these online communities (Mkono and Markwell, 2014). Findings The study provides insights on how administrators and moderators of Facebook groups create value for other users by identifying and communicating the risks emerging from social media-based political communication. The study finds that such citizen-led initiatives act as online social aggregators. The value that such groups offer its users/members resides within a well-bound, controlled and moderated online medium that encourages users to counter fake news and misinformation – thereby solving a key problem within the user market i.e. citizen-media trust deficit. Research limitations/implications The study uses a qualitative, netnographic approach and the emerging insights cannot be generalised. The emergent findings are specific to the context of this study and researchers are encouraged to further test the propositions emerging from this research in varied contexts. Practical implications The study extends the application of EM in political contexts using the seven dimensions of EM, which will provide impetus for future political campaigns in terms of unique value creation for publics. The paper also emerges with the role citizen-initiated forums can play in the effective dissemination of digital political communication as user generated content is aiding political debate. Social implications The study helps highlight the role Facebook forums can play in informing the political discourse within a region. The general distrust amongst the citizens over information produced by MSM has meant vocal critics have taken to Facebook to provide their subjective opinions. Although the findings of this study show that such forums can help identify “fake news” and help citizens discuss and debate the truth, it can also become an avenue to manage propaganda amongst the “unaware” citizens. This paper flags up the issues and benefits of using Facebook forums and in conclusion relates them to similar occurrences of the past to make society aware of the pitfalls of managed propaganda. Originality/value The paper takes initiative in investigating the use of social media in politics from the citizens’ perspective, which is comparatively marginalised against the number of studies taking place, which investigate the political party end use of social media for political marketing.


Author(s):  
Alexander B. Alexeev

The article dwells on the notion of the language personality of the politician-as-actor interpreted within the framework of the politainment theory: the term used in the paper does not indicate the previous profession of a politician but rather describes one of the peculiarities of the political discourse, viz. its theatricality. The paper argues that when political communication is being transformed into politainment, theatricality becomes its key component. Politainment is interpreted here as a hybrid type of political discourse including elements of mass-media and everyday spheres of communication, allowing to orient them at entertainment. Since the language of politainment performs a ludic function, it has often recourse to language game. For the communicative approach of the politician-as-actor it is typical to avoid serious consideration of political topics, to make use of communicative techniques which allow to simplify political problems. It is normal for him to recourse to vulgar language, offensive or otherwise insulting devices such as hyperboles, exaggerations, grotesque. The politician using techniques of politainement is a resourceful individual who can easily give metalinguistic comments, employ puns, euphemisms, dysphemisms, similes, hyperboles and other rhetoric means. Just like a traditional politician, the ‘actor’ is manipulative: he plays out different roles but, first and foremost, he is a star, a celebrity and a glamorous person. In this sense, the politician-as-actor has something in common with musicians and professional sportsmen. It is not unusual for the politainment to borrow their vocabulary: sports, musical instruments, names of musical groups and performers may be mentioned. Such a political actor “sets records”, “competes” with his political opponents, “knocks them out”, etc. To conclude, we may say that ‘actors’ take initiative to dominate on the contemporary political scene and to set a new trend in political communication. In this sense, politainment is not a phenomenon which is represented by orations of only several “linguistically creative” politicians; it is much wider, it influences the whole standard of political communication.


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